Das Modell der „Deliberativen Demokratie”, wie es Jürgen Habermas entwickelt hat, erhebt den Anspruch, das Modell der liberalen und republikanischen Demokratie in sich vereinen zu können, ohne die Nachteile dieser Demokratietypen an sich zu haben. Diese Synthetisierung der Demokratietypen wird als defizient aufgewiesen. Sie scheitert zum einen daran, dass Habermas vor allem von der republikanischen Demokratie ein Zerrbild zeichnet, in das wesentliche Elemente dieses Demokratietypus erst gar nicht eingehen. Zum anderen ist sie zum Scheitern verurteilt, weil Habermas (...) übertriebene Idealisierungen an die deliberative Demokratie heranträgt. Solche entstehen vor allem durch eine Übersteigerung der Erwartungen an demokratische Diskurse und durch eine Unterschätzung des – auch in deliberativen Demokratien – bestehenden Handlungsbedarfs. (shrink)

Im Aufsatz geht es um wesentliche Merkmale und Modell der demokratischen Erziehung bei Dewey. Die Ausgangsfrage lautet: ob und was Deweys Bildungskonzept für die zeitgenössische deliberative Demokratie zu bedeuten hat. Kann sein ethisches Ideal der Menschheit als philosophisches Fundament zur Rechtfertigung der demokratischen Praxis angewendet werden? Hat Dewey die philosophischen Grundlagen des Liberalismus untergraben und abgeschafft, wie es Richard Rorty behauptet? Oder bringt seine Erneuerung der Philosophie zugleich die Wiederbelebung des Liberalismus und eröffnet neue Wege für Demokratie? (...) Die neueste Rezeptionswelle der deweyschen Philosophie mit einer sich stetig vertiefenden Intensität zeigt wohl, dass aus ihrem Gedankengut durch die fruchtbaren Zusammenstöße mit den Ideen und Tendenzen des gegenwärtigen Zeitalters etwas zutage tritt, was zugleich den Rahmen der Gegenwart überschreitet und auf die Zukunft hinweist. In der aktuellen Renaissance des Pragmatismus ist besonders merkwürdig, wie Deweys höchst ausdifferenzierte Kritik am modernen „Individualismus“ und Befürwortung der Stärkung der sittlichen und partizipativ-demokratischen Bindungen in den lokalen Gemeinschaften ein Echo in den kommunitaristischen Argumentationsdiskursen gefunden hat. Die Schlussthese besagt, dass Dewey mit der Hervorhebung des substanziellen Zusammenhangs der Kommunikation , der Gemeinschaft und des Gemeinsamen die Grundlagen des Liberalismus und der Demokratie keineswegs untergraben, sondern sie bereichert, gefestigt und auf eine höhere Ebene gehoben hat. (shrink)

Champions of systemic approaches to deliberative democratic theory consider that deliberative systems serve sundry functions. Whether guaranteeing political freedom should be one of those functions has not been explored in the scholarly literature. This article thus examines which conceptions of freedom underpin systemic approaches to deliberative democracy. I explore and circumscribe the analysis to two prominent options: freedom as absence of interference and freedom as non-domination. The answer to which of these alternatives best serves as a function (...) of the deliberative system hinges on the previous question of whether holistic evaluations of systemic deliberative performance are to be endorsed. The article then argues that holistic evaluations are only compatible with freedom as non-interference. By contrast, freedom as non-domination is incompatible with holism. I then provide reasons for endorsing freedom as non-domination and, by implication, to reject holistic systemic evaluations. (shrink)

Im vierten Band der Ausgewählten Schriften von Claus Offe sind demokratietheoretische Aufsätze aus fünf Dekaden zusammengestellt, die sich mit dem Spannungsverhältnis zwischen den organisierten Konfliktgruppen kapitalistischer Gesellschaften und den Institutionen der liberalen Demokratie befassen. Dabei geht es um die strategischen Akteure und ihre Interessen und Identitäten, die auf der "Eingabeseite" demokratischer Politik deren Tagesordnung wie ihre Verhandlungs- und Entscheidungsergebnisse bestimmen. Ebenso geht es um das politische Beteiligungsverhalten von Bürgern und die Symptome einer prekären Legitimität, die sich trotz des vermeintlichen (...) Universalismus von Gleichheit politischer Rechte und Mehrheitsprinzip unverkennbar abzeichnen. In einem abschließenden Teil des Bandes erörtert der Verfasser verzerrende Formen der Bildung und Messung des "Volkswillens" sowie Möglichkeiten, ihn durch deliberative Verfahren und Institutionen zu rationalisieren. (shrink)

Demokratie? Haben wir gar nicht, sagen die einen. Funktioniert nicht, sagen andere. Wird untergehen, sagen dritte. Muss völlig umgekrempelt werden, sagen vierte. Wer hat recht? Das kann nur sagen, wer weiß, was Demokratie ist. Na klar, Wahlen, Bundestag und so weiter. Aber was ist Demokratie im Kern? Und vor allem: Worin liegt der Wert der Demokratie? Was muss sich ändern? Der Philosoph Roland Kipke gibt Antworten auf diese Fragen. Er räumt mit einer Fülle falscher Erwartungen auf, (...) bringt die Demokratie auf den Punkt und entwickelt Ideen für die Zukunft – schwungvoll und verständlich. Eine glasklare Darstellung und ein leidenschaftliches Plädoyer für die Demokratie. (shrink)

The focus on reflexive democracy offers a meaningful perspective to reintegrate the fragmented knowledge regarding politics again. This shows that democracy is a complex historico-political concept. Against this background, "representative democracy", "direct democracy", and "deliberative democracy", on the one hand, are no longer disconnected from each other. On the other hand, it becomes possible to articulate with greater precision what "internal opening", "transnational extension", and "civil complexity" of democracy nowadays mean. (edited).

This paper compares and contrasts the epistemologies of Rawls and Dworkin, both usually presented as either Kantian or pragmatist. It considers in particular the main pragmatist theses underlying their work, namely anti-metaphysics, anti-skepticism, fallibilism and objectivity as conditioned by practice, as well as their account of truth. It then examines an approach which takes Rawls’ epistemology as “anti-foundationalist” and argues that, to the extent that this qualification is connected to deliberative democracy, it should not be accepted without reservation as (...) an adequate account of the views of either philosopher. (shrink)

Aus dem Inhalt: Einleitung: Thema, Methode und Prozedere: Thema: Demokratisches Recht - Methode: Ethisch-juristische Legitimation - Prozedere: Interdisziplinare Feldarbeit - I. JUristische Methodik: Strukturierende Rechtslehre: Lassen sich Gesetze applizieren? - Lasst sich Recht juristisch legitimieren? - Ist Ethik ausgeschlossen? - Zusammenfassung - II. MOralphilosophie: Diskursethik: Was heiSSt Moral? - Wie lasst sich Moral begrunden? - Lasst sich Moral applizieren? - Zusammenfassung - III. JUrisprudenz und Ethik: Zwischenuberlegungen zu einer interdisziplinaren Theorie demokratischen Rechts: Wie konnte eine ethisch-juristische Theorie aussehen? - Wie (...) sollte Interdisziplinaritat praktiziert werden? - Programm einer ethisch-juristischen Legitimationstheorie - IV. POlitische Philosophie: Deliberative Demokratie: Demokratie-Konzepte - Kleine Soziologie moderner Demokratien - Deliberative Demokratie - Moralischer Diskurs im Kontext - Zusammenfassung - V. VErfassungstheorie: Demokratischer Rechtsstaat: Verfassungstheoretische Grundlagen - Kleine Soziologie der Public Governance - Demokratischer Rechtsstaat - Demokratischer Rechtsstaat im Kontext - Zusammenfassung - VI. URteilstheorie: Demokratische Judikation: Urteilstheoretische Grundlagen - Kleine Soziologie der Public Judication - Demokratische Judikation - Juristische Methodik im Kontext - Zusammenfassung - VII. URteilsphilosophie: Deliberative Judikation: Judikationskonzepte - Kleine Soziologie der Judikation - Deliberative Judikation - Demokratisches Recht im Kontext - Zusammenfassung - Exkurs: Interdisziplinare Rechtslegitimation und integrative Wirtschaftsethik - Schluss: Resumee und Ausblick - Literatur- und Sachverzeichnis. (shrink)

In recent literature, material theories of criminalization, such as the Rechtsgutslehre, are often criticized as undemocratic. The article shows that this critique is based on a simplistic majority model of democracy. Using human dignity-oriented (deliberative) counter-models, in particular Ronald Dworkin’s integrity concept of democracy, the paper explains how the Rechtsgutslehre can be defended and further developed in a liberal democracy.

William E. Connolly’s writings have pushed the leading edge of political theory, first in North America and then in Europe as well, for more than two decades now. This book draws on his numerous influential books and articles to provide a coherent and comprehensive overview of his significant contribution to the field of political theory. The book focuses in particular on three key areas of his thinking: Democracy: his work in democratic theory - through his critical challenges to the traditions (...) of Rawlsian theories of justice and Habermasian theories of deliberative democracy - has spurred the creation of a fertile and powerful new literature Pluralism - Connolly's work utterly transformed the terrain of the field by helping to resignify pluralism: from a conservative theory of order based on the status quo into a radical theory of democratic contestation based on a progressive political vision The Terms of Political Theory - Connolly has changed the language in which Anglo-American political theory is spoken, and entirely shuffled the pack with which political theorists work. (shrink)

William E. Connolly’s writings have pushed the leading edge of political theory, first in North America and then in Europe as well, for more than two decades now. This book draws on his numerous influential books and articles to provide a coherent and comprehensive overview of his significant contribution to the field of political theory. The book focuses in particular on three key areas of his thinking: Democracy: his work in democratic theory – through his critical challenges to the traditions (...) of Rawlsian theories of justice and Habermasian theories of deliberative democracy – has spurred the creation of a fertile and powerful new literature Pluralism: Connolly's work utterly transformed the terrain of the field by helping to resignify pluralism: from a conservative theory of order based on the status quo into a radical theory of democratic contestation based on a progressive political vision The Terms of Political Theory: Connolly has changed the language in which Anglo-American political theory is spoken, and entirely shuffled the pack with which political theorists work. (shrink)

William E. Connolly’s writings have pushed the leading edge of political theory, first in North America and then in Europe as well, for more than two decades now. This book draws on his numerous influential books and articles to provide a coherent and comprehensive overview of his significant contribution to the field of political theory. The book focuses in particular on three key areas of his thinking: Democracy: his work in democratic theory - through his critical challenges to the traditions (...) of Rawlsian theories of justice and Habermasian theories of deliberative democracy - has spurred the creation of a fertile and powerful new literature Pluralism - Connolly's work utterly transformed the terrain of the field by helping to resignify pluralism: from a conservative theory of order based on the status quo into a radical theory of democratic contestation based on a progressive political vision The Terms of Political Theory - Connolly has changed the language in which Anglo-American political theory is spoken, and entirely shuffled the pack with which political theorists work. (shrink)

Resumimos la información aportada por estudios científicos recientes sobre las opiniones, visiones y actitudes de los cazadores españoles sobre la caza y su gestión. En concreto, discutimos las distintas funciones que atribuyen los cazadores a la actividad cinegética, así como los juicios morales asociados a diversas motivaciones para cazar. Seguidamente, exploramos las valoraciones expresadas por cazadores y gestores respecto a ciertas herramientas de gestión cinegética, y discutimos sobre cómo éstas influyen en la toma de decisiones. Por último, exploramos las posibles (...) tendencias futuras de esta actividad, a partir de lo expresado por los propios cazadores. (shrink)

Deliberative democracy entails a commitment to deciding political questions on their merits. To that end, people engage in an exchange of reasons in a shared endeavour to arrive at the right answer or the best judgement they can make in the circumstances. Of course, in practice a shared judgement may be impossible to reach. Yet while compromise may seem a natural way of dealing with the disagreement that deliberation leaves unresolved – for example, some deliberative theorists argue that (...) a willingness to compromise manifests respect for the considered views of others, even as we continue to disagree with them – the relationship between deliberation and compromise is not as straightforward as one might think. To explain why, this paper contrasts conflicts of judgement with conflicts of preference, interest and value to show why greater attention needs to be paid to the character of the decision to be made. (shrink)

Are there are normative reasons to have – or refrain from having – certain emotions? The dominant view is that there are. I disagree. In this paper, I argue for Strong Eliminativism – the view that there are no reasons for emotions. My argument for this claim has two premises. The first premise is that there is a deliberative constraint on reasons: a reason for an agent to have an attitude must be able to feature in that agent’s deliberation (...) to that attitude. My argument for this premise is that in order to have reasons for an attitude, we need to be able to exhibit some relevant form of control over this attitude, and this relevant form of control is deliberative control. The second premise is that no one can deliberate to any emotion. My argument for this premise turns on the claim that there is no deliberative question that is settled by forming (or giving up) an emotion. I contend that this is so due to the well-known phenomenon of recalcitrant emotions: for any deliberative question that can be settled, there is no guarantee that the relevant emotional state will follow (or be revised). Strong Eliminativism follows from these two premises. (shrink)

Deliberative democracy grounds its legitimacy largely in the ability of speakers to participate on equal terms. Yet theorists and practitioners have struggled with how to establish deliberative equality in the face of stark differences of power in liberal democracies. Designers of innovative civic forums for deliberation often aim to neutralize inequities among participants through proportional inclusion of disempowered speakers and discourses. In contrast, others argue that democratic equality is best achieved when disempowered groups deliberate in their own enclaves (...) before entering the broader public sphere. Borrowing from each perspective, the authors argue that there are strong reasons to incorporate enclave deliberation among the disempowered within civic forums. They support this claim by presenting case study evidence showing that participants in such forums can gain some of the same benefits of deliberation found in more heterogeneous groups, can consider a diversity of viewpoints rather than falling into groupthink and polarization, and can persuade external stakeholders of the legitimacy of the group’s deliberations. (shrink)

Dieses Buch versucht die Leerstelle bei der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit den Defekten der Demokratie zu füllen. Zwar blüht die Demokratieforschung, doch die systemimmanenten Defekte der Demokratie genießen eine vergleichsweise geringe (wenngleich wachsende) wissenschaftliche Aufmerksamkeit. Zu diesen Problemen zählen etwa ihr „short-termism“ und die „Unbeständigkeit der Zahl“, die Neigung zur „Tyrannei der Mehrheit“ und Kompetenzmängel beim Demos wie beim Führungspersonal. Die Autoren dieses Bandes – renommierte Experten auf dem Gebiet der Demokratieforschung – greifen je einen Defekt heraus, beleuchten ihn (...) eingehend und diskutieren institutionenreformerische Lösungsvorschläge. (shrink)

This article examines the relationship of pragmatism to the theory of deliberative democracy. It elaborates a dilemma in the latter theory, between its deliberative or epistemic and democratic or inclusive components, and distinguishes responses to this dilemma that are internal to the conception of deliberation employed from those that are external. The article goes on to identify two models of pragmatism and critically examines how well each one deals with the tension identified in deliberative democracy.

Deliberative democracy is a dominant paradigm in normative political philosophy. Deliberative democrats want politics to be more than a clash of contending interests, and they believe political decisions should emerge from reasoned dialogue among citizens. But can these ideals be realized in complex and unjust societies? Deliberative Democracy in Practice brings together leading scholars who explore debates in deliberative democratic theory in four areas of practice: education, constitutions and state boundaries, indigenous-settler relations, and citizen participation and (...) public consultation. This dynamic volume casts new light on the strengths and limitations of deliberative democratic theory, offering guidance to policy makers and to students and scholars interested in democratic justice. Contributors inlcude James Bohman, Harry Brighouse, Simone Chambers, Glen Coulthard, James Fishkin, John Forester, Duncan Ivison, Micheline Milot, Henry S. Richardson, Jorge M. Valadez, and Paul Weithman. (shrink)

Public deliberation, highly valued by many African societies, becomes the cornerstone of a new system of African political philosophy in this brilliant, highly original study. In Deliberative Agency, philosopher Uchenna Okeja offers a way to construct a new political center by building it around the ubiquitous African practice of public deliberation, a widely accepted means to resolve legal matters, reconcile feuding groups, and reestablish harmony. In cities, hometown associations and voluntary organizations carry out the task of fostering deliberation among (...) African groups for different reasons. In some instances, the deliberation aims to settle disputes. In others, the aim is to decide the best action to take to address unfortunate incidents such as death. Through a measured, comparative analysis, Deliberative Agency argues that the best way to reimagine and harness the idea of public deliberation, based on current experiences in Africa, is to see it as performance of agency. Building a new political center around the practice places agency at the core of a new political life in Africa. (shrink)

Politische Bildung ist Teil der allgemeinen Bildung; insofern erscheint es sinnvoll, sich dem Umfassenderen zuzuwenden, um das Speziellere entsprechend einordnen zu können. Deshalb sollen die folgenden Überlegungen nicht direkt unter dem Motto „Demokratie und Bildung“ stehen, sondern dazu beitragen, die Frage nach der „Bildung unter den Bedingungen der Demokratie“ zu klären. Zu diesem Zweck soll zunächst der Bologna-Prozess als Ausdruck des herrschenden Bildungsverständnisses in Deutschland bzw. in Europa dargestellt werden. Nach einem Rückgang zum Humboldtschen Bildungsverständnis als Ausdruck des (...) Ideals, das früher in weiten Teilen Schul- und Universitätsbildung in Deutschland prägte, soll ein weiterer historischer Rückschritt zum platonischen Bildungsbegriff zurückführen – als Ausdruck jenes Humanismus, den Humboldt im 19. Jahrhundert zum Maßstab seiner Schul- und Universitätsreform machte. Abschließend sind historischer Anfang und historisches Ende in einem kurzen Resümee vergleichend gegenüberzustellen. (shrink)

​Kaum ein Konzept in der jüngeren politischen Theoriegeschichte kann auf eine solch steile und, wie sich mittlerweile gezeigt hat, auch langanhaltende Karriere zurückblicken wie das der Deliberation. Die in diesem Sammelband vereinigten Überlegungen stehen unter der zweiteiligen übergreifenden Überschrift "Deliberative Kritik – Kritik der Deliberation", die in einem Zug den kritischen Sinn der Deliberation und die Notwendigkeit einer reflexiven Kritik am Konzept der Deliberation selbst deutlich macht. Neben Erkundungen der Ideengeschichte und der normativen Grundlagen der Deliberation geht es um (...) eine Auseinandersetzung mit alternativen Konzeptionen und institutionellen Kontexten. Angesichts des Umstands, dass sich politische Prozesse bekanntlich seit geraumer Zeit aus den nationalstaatlichen Rahmungen herauslösen, werden zudem transnationale und kosmopolitische Perspektiven umfassend ausgeleuchtet. All diese topoi berühren wesentliche Denklinien der Arbeiten Rainer Schmalz-Bruns’, dem dieser Sammelband zum sechzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet ist. (shrink)

In this paper, we examine whether it is possible to improve democracy by encouraging ordinary citizens to participate in political decision-making and if participation in deliberative institutions can make citizens more competent decision-makers. By using qualitative data, we analyze the discussion from the Belgrade citizens? assembly focused on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone in the city center. The CA was organized in Serbia for the first time, as part of a research project aimed at promoting and advancing (...) innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans. The goal was to encourage the involvement of citizens in discussions of public interest. Our hypothesis was that, through the process of participation and deliberation in CA, ordinary citizens can make reasonable and informed choices, increase their knowledge of the issue discussed, and become more motivated to participate in political decision-making on the local level. Our qualitative content analysis suggests that deliberation had a positive impact on participants? knowledge of the chosen topic of the assembly. It also shows that citizens used exhaustive explanations rather than brief statements, could differentiate the good arguments from the bad, and more often appealed to general rather than private interests. Participants in the assembly reported a significant increase in interest in political decision-making that affects their lives, as well as a sense of being informed about politics. Finally, we wanted to draw attention to the challenges and open questions that remain, namely those that concern the impact of a deliberative body on political decision-making in the real world. (shrink)

Deliberative Democracy theory is an ever-expanding field in political theory. In the present article, I aim to present the significance of Gandhian thought for the theory of deliberative democracy. Gandhi never used the term deliberation or articulated a theory of deliberative democracy specifically while expressing his notion of ideal democracy. For him, discussion, exchange of thoughts, reasoning, etc. was instinctive for democracy and not something that required to be defended within the boundaries of scholarship. I trace the (...) central elements of democracy in Gandhian thought and examine them through the lens of deliberative democracy theory. I also examine the implication of Gandhi’s formulations in India. In doing so, I would develop a richer understanding of democracy by bringing clarity to the contribution of Gandhi to the cause of deliberative democracy. (shrink)

A powerful reclamation of everyday conversation as an integral form of political discourse, The Socratic Citizen is an original contribution to political philosophy.

Contrasting two models of deliberative democratic multiculturalism, one by Seyla Benhabib and another by Luis Villoro, this paper contends that the differences between these two models outweigh the similarities, and that Villoro’s model is more promising insofar as it preserves the trust required in the institutions that mediate democratic deliberation in multicultural societies.

Classroom discussion practices that can lead to reasoned participation by all students are presented and described by the authors. Their research emphasizes the careful orchestration of talk and tasks in academic learning. Parallels are drawn to the philosophical work on deliberative discourse and the fundamental goal of equipping all students to participate in academically productive talk. These practices, termed Accountable TalkSM, emphasize the forms and norms of discourse that support and promote equity and access to rigorous academic learning. They (...) have been shown to result in academic achievement for diverse populations of students. The authors outline Accountable Talk as encompassing three broad dimensions: one, accountability to the learning community, in which participants listen to and build their contributions in response to those of others; two, accountability to accepted standards of reasoning, talk that emphasizes logical connections and the drawing of reasonable conclusions; and, three, accountability to knowledge, talk that is based explicitly on facts, written texts, or other public information. With more than fifteen years research into Accountable Talk applications across a wide range of classrooms and grade levels, the authors detail the challenges and limitations of contexts in which discourse norms are not shared by all members of the classroom community. (shrink)

The Ideal of Deliberative Democracy The Discursive Dilemma The Relevance of the Dilemma for Deliberative Democracy The Resolution in Republican Theory This Resolution and Other Arguments for the Ideal Notes.

Deliberative democrats seek to link political choices more closely to the deliberations of common citizens, rather than consigning them to speak only in the desiccated language of checks on a ballot. Sober thinkers from Plato to today, however, have argued that if we want to make good decisions we cannot entrust them to the deliberations of common citizens. Critics argue that deliberative democracy is wildly unworkable in practice. Deliberative Democracy between Theory and Practice cuts across this debate (...) by clarifying the structure of a deliberative democratic system, and goes on to re-evaluate the main empirical challenges to deliberative democracy in light of this new frame. It simultaneously reclaims the wider theory of deliberative democracy and meets the empirical critics squarely on terms that advance, rather than evade, the debate. Doing so has important implications for institutional design, the normative theory of democracy, and priorities for future research and practice. (shrink)

Multi-stakeholder initiatives (MSIs)—private governance mechanisms involving firms, civil society organizations, and other actors deliberating to set rules, such as standards or codes of conduct, with which firms comply voluntarily—have become important tools for governing global business activities and the social and environmental consequences of these activities. Yet, this growth is paralleled with concerns about MSIs’ deliberative capacity, including the limited inclusion of some marginalized stakeholders, bias toward corporate interests, and, ultimately, ineffectiveness in their role as regulators. In this article, (...) we conceptualize MSIs as deliberative systems to open the black box of the different elements that make up the MSI polity and better understand how their deliberative capacity hinges on problems in different elements. On the basis of this conceptualization, we examine how deliberative mini-publics—forums in which a randomly selected group of individuals from a particular population engage in learning and facilitated deliberations about a topic—can improve the deliberative capacity of MSIs. (shrink)

Der Verfasser bezeichnet den Begriff des allgemeinen Willens bei Rousseau als den kategorialen Grundstein des modernen Demokratieverständnisses und betrachtet das Transponieren dieses Begriffs aus dem naturrechtlichen in den sozialen Horizont sowie seine Verwandlung zur Legitimationsgrundlage des gesellschaftlichen und politischen Lebens als Wendepunkt, an dem sich die Geschichte der Demokratie in zwei Epochen teilt. Im ersten Teil des Artikels wird anhand von Ausführungen bei Herodot, Platon und Aristoteles die Vorgeschichte des Demokratiebegriffes rekonstruiert. Sodann führt der Autor an, zu welchen wesentlichen (...) Veränderungen es im Jahrhundert der Französischen Revolution in der Konzeption und der wirklichen Rolle der Demokratie gekommen ist; er grenzt den allgemeinen vom gemeinsamen Willen ab, um die moralische Dimension der Demokratie zu sichern, und konzentriert vor diesem Hintergrund seine Aufmerksamkeit auf die politische Philosophie Rousseaus. Im Schlussteil nimmt der Autor Stellung zur Partitokratie als einer der die Demokratie entstellenden Formen, wobei er sich auf den „Transitionstyp” der Systempartitokratie beschränkt, die im Gefüge des historischen Phänomens des Postkommunismus auf den Plan tritt. In diesem Kontext wird der dominierenden Transitionstheorie die Theorie des postkommunistischen Chaos als eines alternativen theoretischen Ansatzes bei der Erläuterung des Geschehens nach dem Zerfall des Kommunismus gegenübergestellt. (shrink)

Seit den Attentaten am 11. März 2004 in Madrid haben sich einige Fragen aufgedrängt, auf die nach unserem kontinentalen Demokratieverständnis dringend Antworten erwartet werden. Einige dieser Fragen haben sich die Intellektuellen in Europa und speziell in Spanien noch nicht einmal gestellt. Wie kann Terrorismus innerhalb einer Demokratie bekämpft werden? Es sei absichtlich die kontinental europäische Tradition in Abgrenzung zur angelsächsischen Tradition genannt. Letztere hat die alte Fragestellung von Hobbes wieder aufgegriffen und im Zweifelsfall für Sicherheit auf Kosten von Freiheit (...) plädiert. Der 11. März hat in Madrid gezeigt, dass sich die Terrorszene ihre Finanzierung durch den Schwarzhandel mit Drogen und Waffen organisierte. Können demokratische Systeme durch eine Sparmaßnahmenpolitik diese Schattenwirtschaft überhaupt in den Griff bekommen? All diese Fragen berühren die altbekannten Fragen nach der Grenze der Freiheit. Wie bestimmt man die Freiheit innerhalb einer Gesellschaft, die sich gegen jegliche Form willkürlicher Terrorakte, autoritärer Herrschaft und Formen des Fanatismus zur Wehr setzen muss? (shrink)

El objetivo de este artículo es identificar las consideraciones de quiénes deben guiar la sanción o reforma de la ley penal. Este objetivo cobra relevancia si consideramos que las diferentes respuestas pueden impactar en las tasas de cumplimiento del derecho penal y en los niveles de coacción estatal arbitraria. Para ello, se analizarán algunas propuestas teóricas que se ubican en una recta cuyos extremos están ocupados, respectivamente, por el populismo y el elitismo penal. Estos argumentos son reconstruidos en el debate (...) sobre la reforma del Código Penal Argentino. En este debate, la disminución de la interferencia proveniente del delito y la disminución de la interferencia estatal arbitraria se presentan como objetivos incompatibles. En parte, ello se debe a que las propuestas teóricas que alimentan los argumentos del debate presentan algunas limitaciones para satisfacer ambas demandas. El republicanismo, a través de la defensa de una democracia deliberativa fuerte, tiene capacidad para satisfacer ambas demandas, aparentemente antagónicas. Sin embargo, esa capacidad se ve disminuida en sociedades desiguales. Por ello defenderé que una reforma guiada por aquella propuesta republicana tiene una capacidad que se limita a disminuir la interferencia estatal y mantener iguales los índices del delito. (shrink)

The most widely debated conception of democracy in recent years is deliberative democracy--the idea that citizens or their representatives owe each other mutually acceptable reasons for the laws they enact. Two prominent voices in the ongoing discussion are Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson. In Why Deliberative Democracy?, they move the debate forward beyond their influential book, Democracy and Disagreement.What exactly is deliberative democracy? Why is it more defensible than its rivals? By offering clear answers to these timely (...) questions, Gutmann and Thompson illuminate the theory and practice of justifying public policies in contemporary democracies. They not only develop their theory of deliberative democracy in new directions but also apply it to new practical problems. They discuss bioethics, health care, truth commissions, educational policy, and decisions to declare war. In "What Deliberative Democracy Means," which opens this collection of essays, they provide the most accessible exposition of deliberative democracy to date. They show how deliberative democracy should play an important role even in the debates about military intervention abroad.Why Deliberative Democracy? contributes to our understanding of how democratic citizens and their representatives can make justifiable decisions for their society in the face of the fundamental disagreements that are inevitable in diverse societies. Gutmann and Thompson provide a balanced and fair-minded approach that will benefit anyone intent on giving reason and reciprocity a more prominent place in politics than power and special interests. (shrink)

Gert Biesta criticises deliberative models of democracy and education for being based on an understanding of democracy as a ‘normal’ order, which involves certain ‘entry conditions’ for democratic participation. As an alternative, Biesta introduces the idea of democracy as ‘disruption’ and the associated subjectification conception of education both of which he draws from the work of Jacques Rancière. This paper challenges Biesta’s critique of deliberative democracy by demonstrating that the ‘entry conditions’ for deliberation serve an important normative function. (...) It is also suggested that Biesta’s critique dismisses some important dimensions of the deliberative model. The paper further contests Biesta’s conceptions of democracy and education by arguing, first, that his position involves certain contradictions that are problematic especially from a normative perspective. Second, the paper argues that Biesta’s conceptions of democracy and education might result in dismissing crucially important questions concerning the long-term evaluation and improvement of democratic and educational institutions. (shrink)

How should liberal democratic states respond to cultural practices and arrangements that run afoul of liberal norms and laws? This article argues for a reframing of the challenges posed by traditional or nonliberal cultural minorities. The author suggests that viewed from up close, such dilemmas are revealed to be primarily intracultural rather than intercultural conflicts, and reflect the political and practical interests of factions of communities much more than deep moral differences. Using the example of the reform of customary marriage (...) laws in post-apartheid South Africa, this article makes the case for a more pragmatic, politically focused approach to resolving conflicts of culture that it is argued is both more democratic and effective than alternatives recently advanced by liberals and deliberative democracy theorists. (shrink)