Interviewet er lavet i juli 2021. Dets formål er at belyse emner, der er centrale i Celikates’ tænkning, f.eks. den voksende højrefløjspopulisme, migration, voldelige versus ikke-voldelige protester, civil ulydighed og den kritiske filosofis rolle i dag. -/- When Celikates and I sat down digitally in July 2021, the interview’s primary purpose was to examine topics central to Celikates’ thinking, such as the rise of right-wing populism, migration, violent versus non-violent protest, civil disobedience, and the role of critical philosophy today.

Academic integrity is a vital pedagogical responsibility that educational institutions should explicitly address. One of the best ways to uphold academic integrity is to create a culture of academic integrity throughout the school. This is especially imperative at high schools where students develop their moral identity because students who act dishonestly at high school will likely behave accordingly in post-secondary education and ultimately be dishonest in familial and professional settings. Creating a culture of academic integrity is a challenging, long and (...) multifaceted journey. In this respect, this exploratory case study set out to create a culture of academic integrity at a high school in Türkiye and explore what facilitates and impedes the process. We followed Stephens’ (2016) Multilevel Intervention Model and implemented a School-Wide Education program to guide us through the process. We conducted various activities throughout one academic year, from seminars to competitions. At the end of the term, we conducted individual and focus group interviews with the members of the school community and analyzed the interview data to identify facilitators and barriers of the process. The analysis yielded five facilitators (1) creating buy-in, (2) administrative embracement and support, (3) activities that promote student involvement, (4) external expert and school collaboration as praxis, and (5) policy as the blueprint and five barriers (1) deficiencies in responding academic misconduct, (2) prioritization of academic success over academic integrity, (3) teacher resistance against change, (4) exam-based assessment design, and (5) timing of the activities. Each theme was discussed in detail, and recommendations were made for high schools which set out on a journey of creating academic integrity culture. (shrink)

The goal of this article is to show that mainstream liberal accounts of civil disobedience fail to fully capture the latter’s specific characteristics as a genuinely political and democratic practice of contestation that is not reducible to an ethical or legal understanding either in terms of individual conscience or of fidelity to the rule of law. In developing this account in more detail, I first define civil disobedience with an aim of spelling out why the standard liberal model, while providing (...) a useful starting point, ultimately leads to an overly constrained, domesticated and sanitized understanding of this complex political practice. Second, I place the political practice of civil disobedience between two opposing poles: symbolic politics and real confrontation. I argue that the irreducible tension between these poles precisely accounts for its politicizing and democratizing potential. Finally, I briefly examine the role of civil disobedience in representative democracies, addressing a series of recent challenges made in response to this radically democratic understanding of disobedience. (shrink)

Prophethood (nubuwwah) is a divine institution that teaches the healthy progression of relations between Allah and humans, as well as between humans and the universe. However, from another perspective, it is also considered a human institution. Some opponents of religion, lacking strong evidence to challenge the existence of Allah, direct their objections towards prophethood, which is seen as a manifestation of Allah’s attribute of speech (kalām). To counter the rejection of prophethood, scholars of theology (kalām), hadith, and Prophetic biography (sīrah) (...) have compiled a body of literature known as Dalāʾil al-nubuwwah (Proofs of Prophethood). Their aim has been to collect proofs supporting prophethood as a response to these refutations and to dispel doubts regarding it. All extraordinary events occurring from before the birth until the death of Prophet Muhammad are considered evidence.During the fifth century, a notable figure in this tradition was the Shāfiʿī scholar al-Māwardī, who defended prophethood in his book Aʿlām al-nubuwwah (The Signs of Prophethood). Aʿlām al-nubuwwah has inspired subsequent works in this field due to its clarity and robust proofs. It became known by both names, Aʿlām al-nubuwwah and Dalāʾil al-nubuwwah, as it encompassed methods of narration and debate. Within his work, al-Māwardī mentions figures like Barāhimah, Dahriyyah, and certain philosophers as representatives of the idea rejecting prophethood. According to him, Barāhimah, of Indian origin is a sect that denies prophethood despite accepting the unity of Allah. Dahriyyah is a denialist sect attributing eternity to the universe and creativity to nature. Al-Māwardī considers these philosophers as infidels due to their comments on prophethood rather than outright denial. The basis of these movements' idea of denying prophethood lies in their efforts to portray reason (ʿaql) as an alternative to revelation (waḥy). Jews and Christians, on the other hand, are portrayed as groups that accept the concept of prophethood, however they reject Muḥammad’s. prophecy. Their objection stems from the fear of their religions being superseded. Al-Māwardī counters those rejecting prophethood by addressing the public interest (maṣlaḥah) of humans, the necessity of prophets, and the role of miracles. He illustrates that prophet charged with the duty of prophethood proves it through spectacular events orchestrated by Allah but carried out through his own hand. The prophet serves the public interest by conveying matters beyond human intellect and presenting them in a comprehensible manner, thereby ensuring the worldly and eternal felicity of humanity. Furthermore, he provides evidence for the Prophet Muḥammad’s prophethood through his moral character, prophetic biography, and accounts of miracles. The biography of Prophet Muhammad’s begins before his birth, and the method of proof is used to demonstrate his prophethood. In essence, al-Māwardī’s method of proving prophethood in Aʿlām al-nubuwwah can be seen as a synthesis of the approaches used by scholars of theology and hadith. One prominent figure in this tradition during the fifth century was the Shafi'i scholar al-Māwardī who defended prophethood through his book " ʿA'lām al-Nubuwwa" (The Signs of Prophethood). In his work, al-Māwardī mentions figures like Barahima, Dahriyya, and certain philosophers as representatives of the idea rejecting prophethood. While the Jews and Christians accept the concept of prophethood, they reject the prophecy of Muhammad (P.B.U.H). These groups attempt to present logic as an alternative to divine revelation (Wahy), as their objection stems from their concern that their religions may be abrogated. Al-Māwardī responds to those who reject the institution of prophethood by addressing the public interest (maslaha) of humans, the necessity of prophets, and the role of miracles. He also provides evidence for Muhammad's (P.B.U.H) prophethood through his moral character, prophetic biography, and accounts of miracles. In short, al-Māwardī's method of proving prophethood in "A'lām al-Nubuwwa " can be seen as a synthesis of the approaches used by scholars of theology (Kalam) and hadith. (shrink)

This book provides an overview of recent debates about critical theory from Pierre Bourdieu via Luc Boltanski to the Frankfurt School. Robin Celikates investigates the relevance of the self-understanding of ordinary agents and of their practices of critique for the theoretical and emancipatory project of critical theory.

This article argues that, far from being a merely defensive act of individual protest, civil disobedience is a much more radical political practice. It is transformative in that it aims at the politicization of questions that are excluded from the political domain and at reconfiguring public space and existing institutions, often in comprehensive ways. Focusing on the reconstitution of the political community also allows us to reconceptualize constituent power. Rather than portraying it as a quasi-mythical force erupting only in extraordinary (...) moments, constituent power can be conceptualized as a dynamic situated within established orders, transgressing their logic and reconfiguring them from within. Civil disobedience as a transformative and potentially comprehensive practice aimed at reconstituting the political order can then be seen as an internal driving force keeping this dialectic in play. A concrete example can be found in protests and border struggles by irregularized migrants. They show how unexp... (shrink)

In this paper, we develop an understanding of recognition in terms of individuals’ capacity for conflict. Our goal is to overcome various shortcomings that can be found in both the positive and negative conceptions of recognition. We start by analyzing paradigmatic instances of such conceptions—namely, those put forward by Axel Honneth and Judith Butler. We do so in order to show how both positions are inadequate in their elaborations of recognition in an analogous way: Both fail to make intelligible the (...) fundamental nexus between relations of recognition and individuals’ capacity for conflict. We then move on to reconsider aspects of Hegel's view of recognition—ones that, from our viewpoint, have been unjustly neglected in the debate about recognition: his focus on the constitution of relations of recognition in conflict and on the status of being an author of acts of recognition. On this basis, we then spell out in a more systematic way what we take to be a more convincing conception of recognition. This puts us in the position to gesture at some consequences of this conception in practical contexts, above all with regard to the justification, role and structure of political institutions. (shrink)

Error related potentials, which are elicited in the EEG in response to a perceived error, have been used for error correction and adaption in the event related potential -based brain computer interfaces designed for typing. In these typing interfaces, ERP evidence is collected in response to a sequence of stimuli presented usually in the visual form and the intended user stimulus is probabilistically inferred and presented to the user as the decision. If the inferred stimulus is incorrect, ErrP is expected (...) to be elicited in the EEG. Early approaches to use ErrP in the design of typing interfaces attempt to make hard decisions on the perceived error such that the perceived error is corrected and either the sequence of stimuli are repeated to obtain further ERP evidence, or without further repetition the stimulus with the second highest probability is presented to the user as the decision of the system. Moreover, none of the existing approaches use a language model to increase the performance of typing. In this work, unlike the existing approaches, we study the potential benefits of fusing feedback related potentials, a form of ErrP, with ERP and context information in a Bayesian fashion to detect the user intent. We present experimental results based on data from 12 healthy participants using RSVP Keyboard™ to complete a copy-phrase-task. Three paradigms are compared: [P1] uses only ERP/LM Bayesian fusion; [P2] each RSVP sequence is appended with the top candidate in the alphabet according to posterior after ERP evidence fusion; corresponding FRP is then incorporated; and [P3] the top candidate is shown as a prospect to generate FRP evidence only if its posterior exceeds a threshold. Analyses indicate that ERP/LM/FRP evidence fusion during decision making yields significant speed-accuracy benefits for the user. (shrink)

This book collects essays from the 2006 and 2007 International Philosophy Colloquia Evian, centred around a central problem in the philosophy of mind: the relationship between the human faculty of sensory experience and the faculty of conceptual reflection, that is self-consciousness. Containing articles by philosophers of eight nationalities, in three languages (English, French, German), and of "analytical" as well as "continental" provenance, it beautifully represents the spirit of the colloquia. Authors include Joshua Andresen (AU Beirut), Valérie Aucouturier (Kent U / (...) U Paris I), Karin de Boer (KU Leuven), Santiago Echeverri (U Genève), Roberto Farneti (LU Bolzano), Tim Henning (JLU Giessen), Felix Koch (Columbia U), Christophe Laudou (Madrid), David Lauer (FU Berlin), Jason Leddington (Bucknell U), Nicolas Monseu (UC Louvain), Soraya Nour (HU Berlin), Hans Bernhard Schmid (U Wien), Henning Tegtmeyer (U Leipzig). (shrink)

This study focuses on the ideas of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, the most influential thinkers of recent period, about the concepts of the Empire, Multitude and Biopolitical production. These concepts being at the center of contemporary political discussions problematise the ideaitonal foundations of the idea of Empire evaluated as a new form of sovereignty, the economic transformation in the contemporary capitalism and the new form of subjectivity in this age. To Negri and Hardt, Empire is seen as a logic (...) of network operating at global level and a new logic of sovereignty and governance going beyond the political boundaries of nation states as form of sovereignty. In this regard, multitude is evaluated as a collective and joint social subject against the power and command forms of empire. As for biopolitical production, it is defined as the production of life in which feelings, symbols, communication and cooperation go beyond the understanding that centers the production of tangible goods within the capitalist production and work organization. These three concepts draw an important framework in terms of understanding the economic, political transformation of the contemporary world. In this study, it was aimed at interpreting the nature of global changes brought forward by the Negri and Hardt thought within the boundaries of these three concepts. (shrink)

It can be said that both Plato's tripartite soul and Hippocrates' theory of temperament were influential in Galen's perception of ethics. In this respect, Galen, who presents a kind of composition of the effective philosophical and medical traditions of his day, is outside the tradition with his understanding of physicalist psychology. Considering the capacities of the soul as depending on the temperament of the body, Galen generally displays a deterministic attitude towards ethics, that is, the development of the soul. This (...) is because the natural and physical structure is difficult to change. On the other hand, Galen, whom we can call both a physician and a "philosophical therapist", argues that character traits (ethos) can be changed "to the extent that nature allows" through education and habituation at an early age. This article will try to determine and evaluate the possibility Galen ascribes to ethical change and development in humans in the context of character traits. (shrink)

This study focuses on the ideas of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, the most influential thinkers of recent period, about the concepts of the Empire, Multitude and Biopolitical production. These concepts being at the center of contemporary political discussions problematise the ideaitonal foundations of the idea of Empire evaluated as a new form of sovereignty, the economic transformation in the contemporary capitalism and the new form of subjectivity in this age. To Negri and Hardt, Empire is seen as a logic (...) of network operating at global level and a new logic of sovereignty and governance going beyond the political boundaries of nation states as form of sovereignty. In this regard, multitude is evaluated as a collective and joint social subject against the power and command forms of empire. As for biopolitical production, it is defined as the production of life in which feelings, symbols, communication and cooperation go beyond the understanding that centers the production of tangible goods within the capitalist production and work organization. These three concepts draw an important framework in terms of understanding the economic, political transformation of the contemporary world. In this study, it was aimed at interpreting the nature of global changes brought forward by the Negri and Hardt thought within the boundaries of these three concepts. (shrink)

In the Qur’an, human distinctiveness was first questioned by angels. These established denizens of the cosmos could not understand why God would create a seemingly pernicious human when immaculate devotees of God such as themselves existed. In other words, the angels asked the age-old question: what makes humans so special and different? Fast forward to our present age and this question is made relevant again in light of the encroaching arrival of an artificial superintelligence (ASI). Up to this point in (...) history, humans have exceeded other creatures in various respects; now a possibility has arisen that another entity, namely ASI, will exceed humans at least on the level of intelligence and power. In relation to the age of angels, pre-modern Sunni exegesis construed human distinctiveness along the axes of reproductive knowledge and stewardship. Both brittle, distinguishing markers will disappear in the age of the ASI. Conversely, a more resilient and creative Islamic response can be derived from Ibn al-ʿArabī’s (d. 1240) views on God and the imago Dei. Inspired by the Akbarian perspective, this paper construes human distinctiveness in relation to a capacity to expansively respond to God’s love to be recognized, a response that relies on (a) imitating divine virtues that operate in counterintuitive and illogical ways, and (b) exhibiting fragility and lack rather than exceptionalism. ASI, while responding already in part to God’s love, needs to make strides towards these traits before it can answer divine love as commensurately as humans can. (shrink)

Fabian Freyenhagen's impressive reconstruction of Adorno's ‘practical philosophy’ provides a convincing defence of the possibility of making normative claims about the social world we live in without justifying these claims in terms of the right, the good, or human nature. More specifically, and more controversially, Freyenhagen argues that the normative resources Adorno's critique relies on are provided by a negative Aristotelianism. In this paper, I argue that this approach underestimates the extent to which Adorno follows the model of immanent critique, (...) I highlight the socio-theoretical underpinnings of what Freyenhagen calls Adorno's ‘ethics of resistance’, and I discuss the risk of overstating the danger of co-optation that collective political action faces. (shrink)

Among Turkic speaking countries there is solidarity in economic, political and military fields. Moreover, they carry out common studies within the universities of these countries. As a result, the relationship among the communities is getting stronger via these studies. This research serves as an example of this development. The problem sentence of the research; “Do students’ perceptions change about Turkey after they’ve completed an internship period in Turkey?”. In this research, it was studied to determine Kyrgyz students’ impression about our (...) country Turkey, before and after their intership period in Turkey. The study was implemented within the survey model design. Research’s universe is the students who study in Yusuf Balasagun Krygyz National University, Liberal Arts University, in Kyrgyzstan Turkey Manas University during their education in the year of 2018-2019. As for the research sampling, students who are in the city of Antalya for the purpose of internship were selected from Yusuf Balasagun Kyrgyz National University, Liberal Arts University, in Kyrgyzstan Manas University. A total of 49 students were attented the research. According to the results of the research; internship students have generally positive opinions about Turkey and Turkish people. This is pleasing result for our country. The students think that the Language Enhancement Program will be useful for them to learn Turkish better. (shrink)

This is a short systematic introduction to Political Philosophy.

A collection of Classical Texts in Moral Philosophy from Antiquity to the Present.

This article is a collective writing experiment undertaken by philosophers of education affiliated with the PESGB (Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain). When asked to reflect on questions concerning the Philosophy of Education in a New Key in May 2020, it was unsurprising that the effects of the coronavirus pandemic on society and on education were foremost in our minds. We wanted to consider important philosophical and educational questions raised by the pandemic, while acknowledging that, first and foremost, it (...) is a human tragedy. With nearly a million deaths reported worldwide to date, and with everyone effected in one way or another by Covid-19, there is a degree of discomfort, and a responsibility to be sensitive, in reflecting and writing about it academically. Members of this ‘Covid Collective’ come from various countries, with perspectives from Great Britain and Ireland well represented, and we see academic practice as a globally connected enterprise, especially since the digital revolution in academic publishing. The concerns raised in this article relate to but move beyond Covid-19, reflecting the impact of neoliberalism [and other political developments] on geopolitics with educational concerns as central to our focus. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie Jahrgang: 63 Heft: 3 Seiten: 549-549.

Les diverses formes de vie en commun appellent des modalités de reconnaissance très différentes. Mais il s'agit toujours de combats pour une insertion sociale réussie. Voici une tentative de déclinaison de la nature sociale de l'homme de façon à saisir les grammaires de l'humain comme les grammaires de la reconnaissance. Plusieurs articles en allemand et en anglais.

Michel Foucault’nun çalışmalarının merkezi noktalarından birisini, Batı kültüründe insanların, özneye dönüştürülmesinin tarihini ortaya çıkarmak oluşturmaktadır. Diğerini ise, özneye dönüştürme tekniklerine karşı verilen mücadeleler, çeşitli iktidar tekniklerinin dayattığı bireysellik ve kimlikten kurtulmanın, özgürleşmenin imkânı oluşturmaktadır. İnsanları, öznelere dönüştüren süreçleri bir bütün olarak ele almak yerine, çeşitli nesneleştirme kipleri üzerinden incelemenin daha akıllıca bir yol olduğunu düşünen Foucault, çalışmalarında insanı özneye dönüştüren üç ayrı nesneleştirme kipine yoğunlaşır. Bunlar; kendilerine bilim statüsü kazandırmaya çalışan filoloji gibi araştırma kipleri, deli ile akıllı, hasta ile sağlıklı, (...) suçlular ile “iyi çocuklar” gibi “bölücü pratikler” olarak adlandırılan pratiklerde ortaya çıkan nesneleştirilme kipleri ve son olarak cinsellik gibi alanlarda bir insanın kendini özneye dönüştürme biçimindeki nesneleştirme kipleridir. İnsan, özneye dönüştürme süreçlerine girerken, iktidar ilişkilerine de dâhil olur. Çünkü bireyleri özne yapan iktidar teknikleridir. Özne sözcüğünün taşıdığı bütün anlamlar, boyun eğdiren ve tabi kılan bir iktidar biçimi telkin etmektedir. Bundan dolayı, özneye dönüşme süreçlerine karşı mücadeleler söz konusudur. Özne, iktidar ve şiddet arasındaki ilişkinin nasıl kurulduğuna dair düşünen Foucault, öznesi olarak tanıtıldığımız deneyimlerin kurulmasını gerçekleştiren bir iktidar alanı olduğunu, şiddetin de modern iktidarın kurumsal ağı içerisinde gelişen öznellik deneyimleri çerçevesinde her yere sirayet ettiğini belirtmektedir. İktidarın kurumsal düzeyde, düzenleyici ve denetleyici mekanizmalar sayesinde toplumsal ağın en uç yerlerine kadar sirayet etmesiyle birlikte şiddet, normlar, tüzükler ve prosedürler aracılığıyla belirli bir kapatma içinde gelişmektedir. Ancak, Foucault, şiddetin, iktidarın etkili bir aracı olduğunu kabul etse de, iktidarın esasını oluşturmadığını belirtmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Foucault’nun kuramsal çözümlemelerinden hareketle, özne, iktidar ve şiddet arasındaki ilişkiyi nasıl ele aldığı tartışılacak, onun düşünsel serüveni açısından önemli olan bu kavramların kendi tarih anlayışı bağlamında bir çözümlemesi yapılacaktır. Ayrıca, modern iktidar ilişkilerinin dayatmış olduğu öznellik deneyimlerine ve inceltilmiş şiddet araçlarına karşı verilecek direnişin imkânları sorgulanacaktır. -/- . (shrink)

Modern politika tanımlarında hâkim kavramlardan söz etmek olasıdır. Bu kavramlar arasında; iktidar, şiddet, hiyerarşi, güvenlik, kaynak dağıtımı öne çıkanlardır. Politika, birçoklarına göre, iktidarın ve gücün nasıl dağıtıldığı ve kullanıldığıyla ilgilidir. Politika, salt iktidarla ilişkili bir biçimde tanımlandığında, şiddet, politikanın etkili araçlarından birisi gibi görünür. Hatta daha ileriye gidilerek, şiddet, iktidarın dışavurumu olarak görülür. C. W. Mills’in, “siyaset iktidar mücadelesinden ibarettir; iktidarın nihai biçimi ise şiddettir” ya da Mao Zedong’un “siyaset, kan dökülmeyen savaş; savaş ise kan dökülen siyasettir” sözleri, siyaset ile (...) şiddetin birlikte düşünülmesinin en tipik örnekleridir. Hükmetme sanatı, iktidar elde etmek ve iktidarı azamileştirme biçiminde tanımlanan siyasetin, şiddeti meşru görmesi kaçınılmaz görünmektedir. Bu tanımdan hareket edenler, en iyi ihtimalle, meşru ve gayrı-meşru şiddet arasında bir ayrıma yönelirler. Bu ayrım da şiddetin politik bir etkinlik olarak meşrulaştırılmasını onaylar. Siyaseti, iktidar ve şiddet üzerinden tanımlayan hâkim yaklaşıma dönük eleştiriler de vardır. Siyaseti başka türlü tanımlamanın imkânı olup olmadığı sorusundan hareket eden bu yaklaşımlar, alternatif bir politika anlayışı ortaya koymaya çalışırlar. Bu tip politika anlayışına sahip düşünürlerin başında Hannah Arendt gelmektedir. Sahte ve sahici politika ayrımından hareket eden Arendt, sahici politikanın merkezine eylemi yerleştirir. Eylem, insanların kendilerini gerçekleştirmesini, sahici kılmasını, diğer insanlarla birlikte yaşamasını sağlayan süreçleri başlatma ve kesintiye uğratma yetisidir. Bu bakımdan politika, birlikte yaşama, kamusal meseleler hakkında tartışma ve ortak dünya için eylemde bulunma etkinliğidir. Kamusal alanda, eşitlerinin gözü önünde eylemde bulunma kişinin benzersizliğini göstermesine neden olur. Bu bakımdan, eşitlik ve çoğulluk politikanın koşuludur. Arendt, sadece eylemi değil, “söz”ü de politikanın merkezine yerleştirir. Arendt için politik yaşam, eyleme dökülmüş söz üzerine kuruludur. Politikanın söz ile ilişkilendirilmesi, açıktır ki, şiddeti dışlar. Arendt’e göre şiddet dilsizdir ve hiçbir zaman politikanın merkezi olan eyleme dökülmüş sözün neden olduğu süreç başlatma ve yaratıcı olma özelliğine sahip değildir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, politikayı Arendt’le birlikte yeniden düşünmenin, yeni bir politika tanımı için sağlayacağı imkânları tartışmaktır. (shrink)

It is possible to talk about dominant concepts in modern political definitions. Among these concepts; power, violence, hierarchy, security and resource allocation are the prominent ones. For many, politics is how power and authority is distributed and used. When politics is defined in relation to pure power, violence appears to be one of the effective means of politics. Even, with a further extent, violence is seen as an expression of power. As said by C. W. Mills’ “politics is a struggle (...) for power, the ultimate kind of power is violence” or the way Mao Zedong puts it “politics is war without bloodshed, while war is politics with bloodshed” are the most typical examples of violence and politics together. It is inevitable for politics, which is defined as art of ruling, obtaining power and maximizing power, to see violence as legitimate. User of this formulation most commonly tend to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate violence. Making this distinction confirms the legitimization of violence as a political action. There are also criticisms of the dominant approach that defines politics through power and violence. These criticisms, by asking whether it is possible to provide a different definition, try to emerge an alternative understanding of politics. Hannah Arendt is one of the prominent thinkers of this current. Through distinguishing the fake and authentic politics, she places action at the center of authentic politics. Action is the ability to initiate and interrupt processes that enables people to realize themselves, make them authentic and live with other humans. In this respect, politics is the act of living together, discussing public issues and taking action for the common world. Acting in the public sphere before their peers causes the person to show uniqueness. In this respect, equality and plurality are the condition of politics. Arendt places not only action, but also “speech” at the center of politics. For Arendt, political life is based on action. The association of politics with the speech clearly excludes violence. According to Arendt, violence is mute and never has the ability to initiate and be creative of the process caused by action, which is the center of politics. The aim of this paper is to rethink politics through Arendt’s views and discussing the possibility of a new definition for politics. (shrink)

Michel Foucault’nun çalışmalarının merkezi noktalarından birisini, Batı kültüründe insanların, özneye dönüştürülmesinin tarihini ortaya çıkarmak oluşturmaktadır. Diğerini ise, özneye dönüştürme tekniklerine karşı verilen mücadeleler, çeşitli iktidar tekniklerinin dayattığı bireysellik ve kimlikten kurtulmanın, özgürleşmenin imkânı oluşturmaktadır. İnsanları, öznelere dönüştüren süreçleri bir bütün olarak ele almak yerine, çeşitli nesneleştirme kipleri üzerinden incelemenin daha akıllıca bir yol olduğunu düşünen Foucault, çalışmalarında insanı özneye dönüştüren üç ayrı nesneleştirme kipine yoğunlaşır. Bunlar; kendilerine bilim statüsü kazandırmaya çalışan filoloji gibi araştırma kipleri, deli ile akıllı, hasta ile sağlıklı, (...) suçlular ile “iyi çocuklar” gibi “bölücü pratikler” olarak adlandırılan pratiklerde ortaya çıkan nesneleştirilme kipleri ve son olarak cinsellik gibi alanlarda bir insanın kendini özneye dönüştürme biçimindeki nesneleştirme kipleridir. İnsan, özneye dönüştürme süreçlerine girerken, iktidar ilişkilerine de dâhil olur. Çünkü bireyleri özne yapan iktidar teknikleridir. Özne sözcüğünün taşıdığı bütün anlamlar, boyun eğdiren ve tabi kılan bir iktidar biçimi telkin etmektedir. Bundan dolayı, özneye dönüşme süreçlerine karşı mücadeleler söz konusudur. Özne, iktidar ve şiddet arasındaki ilişkinin nasıl kurulduğuna dair düşünen Foucault, öznesi olarak tanıtıldığımız deneyimlerin kurulmasını gerçekleştiren bir iktidar alanı olduğunu, şiddetin de modern iktidarın kurumsal ağı içerisinde gelişen öznellik deneyimleri çerçevesinde her yere sirayet ettiğini belirtmektedir. İktidarın kurumsal düzeyde, düzenleyici ve denetleyici mekanizmalar sayesinde toplumsal ağın en uç yerlerine kadar sirayet etmesiyle birlikte şiddet, normlar, tüzükler ve prosedürler aracılığıyla belirli bir kapatma içinde gelişmektedir. Ancak, Foucault, şiddetin, iktidarın etkili bir aracı olduğunu kabul etse de, iktidarın esasını oluşturmadığını belirtmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Foucault’nun kuramsal çözümlemelerinden hareketle, özne, iktidar ve şiddet arasındaki ilişkiyi nasıl ele aldığı tartışılacak, onun düşünsel serüveni açısından önemli olan bu kavramların kendi tarih anlayışı bağlamında bir çözümlemesi yapılacaktır. Ayrıca, modern iktidar ilişkilerinin dayatmış olduğu öznellik deneyimlerine ve inceltilmiş şiddet araçlarına karşı verilecek direnişin imkânları sorgulanacaktır. (shrink)