Resumo: A falência do feminismo liberal é apontada como uma realidade por filósofas feministas como Nancy Fraser. A partir disso, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo esclarecer ideias centrais do feminismo liberal, as principais críticas direcionadas à teoria e a sua utilidade a um projeto feminista emancipador das mulheres, com base, principalmente, nos escritos de Martha Nussbaum. Autonomia, racionalidade e liberdade são as principais reivindicações do feminismo liberal, e por isso, busca-se demonstrar a interlocução (...) entre essas questões e a objetificação, bem como esclarecer que existem interpretações diversas dentro do próprio movimento, a respeito de qual liberdade se interessa, e que nesse sentido, o feminismo liberal igualitário é o mais útil a um projeto emancipador. Palavras-chave: Feminismo liberal; Autonomia; Objetificação; Racionalidade. Autonomy, rationality and freedom: liberal feminism is bankrupt? Abstract: The failure of liberal feminism is pointed out as a reality by feminist philosophers such as Nancy Fraser. From this, the present research aims to clarify central ideas of liberal feminism, the main criticisms directed to the theory and its usefulness to a feminist emancipatory project for women, based mainly on the writings of Martha Nussbaum. Autonomy, rationality and freedom are the main claims of liberal feminism, and therefore, it seeks to demonstrate the dialogue between these issues and objectification, as well as clarify that there are different interpretations within the movement itself, regarding which freedom is interested, and that in this sense, egalitarian liberal feminism is the most useful to an emancipatory project. Key-words: Liberal feminism; Objectification; Autonomy; Rationality. Autonomía, racionalidad y libertad: ¿está en bancarrota el feminismo liberal? Resumen: El fracaso del feminismo liberal es señalado como una realidad por filósofas feministas como Nancy Fraser. A partir de ello, la presente investigación tiene como objetivo esclarecer ideas centrales del feminismo liberal, las principales críticas dirigidas a la teoría y su utilidad para un proyecto feminista emancipador de las mujeres, apoyándose principalmente en los escritos de Martha Nussbaum. La autonomía, la racionalidad y la libertad son los principales reclamos del feminismo liberal, y por ello, busca evidenciar el diálogo entre estos temas y la objetivación, así como aclarar que existen diferentes interpretaciones dentro del propio movimiento, respecto a lo que le interesa la libertad, y que en este sentido, el feminismo liberal igualitario es el más útil para un proyecto emancipador. Palabras clave: Feminismo Liberal; Objetivación; Autonomía; Racionalidad. Data de registro: 28/04/2022 Data de aceite: 17/08/2022. (shrink)

La Nueva Ola Feminista ha generado dos reacciones que no son nuevas, pero se ven actualizadas por el carácter masivo y global del movimiento: una instrumentalización del feminismo, configurando lo que Laura Martínez-Jiménez denomina “posfeminismo neoliberal”; y una avanzada de un populismo conservador, que redobla su militancia anti-derechos como parte de su programa ante la crisis neoliberal (como puede observarse en el fallo Dobbs vs. Jackson en Estados Unidos). Objetivos. En este artículo analizaremos ambas reacciones (que en algunas ocasiones (...) son leídas como opuestas) como dos caras distintas pero complementarias de la configuración de lo que denomino el corrimiento del histórico género vs. clase a un actualizado género vs. pueblo. Metodología. Dividiremos el artículo en tres apartados: (a) inscribiremos la Nueva Ola Feminista dentro de los movimientos sociales de reacción a la crisis del capitalismo neoliberal; (b) señalaremos los principales clivajes de la construcción de la oposición género vs. pueblo; (c) criticaremos la interpretación individualista de los derechos de las mujeres desde una apropiación de la Teoría de la Reproducción Social. Resultados y conclusiones. La construcción de la oposición género vs. pueblo se basa en una des-inscripción del feminismo del conjunto de movimientos surgidos al calor de la crisis neoliberal, y en construcción de los derechos de las mujeres como derechos (neo)liberal-individuales. Ante esta operación, es necesario profundizar las perspectivas teóricas (y políticas) que conciben a las demandas de género como parte fundamental de los derechos de la-clase-que-vive-del-trabajo para establecer las condiciones de su reproducción social. (shrink)

This article presents and discusses two contributions by Lélia Gonzales to the consolidation of an Afro-Latin-American feminism truly commited to breaking colonial oppression mechanisms and interested in the liberation of all human beings subjugated by the European colonization process. The first contribution pertains to the importance of understanding the formation of Brazilian society from a decolonial perspective. The second one concerns the need for feminist movements to include racial issues on their agendas in order to engage in the antiracist struggle.

With the question of the title of this paper, which recalls an issue that Valcárcel already asked herself in 1991, I reflect on the need to recover the struggle of feminism as a political struggle. To this end, I argue that feminism cannot be understood without the objective of trying to transform societies, without the aspiration to emancipation. Therefore, it will be urgent to be able to answer and resist the task of depoliticization that the neoliberal capitalist system administers until (...) it tries to convert feminism into another commodity. I propose to recover the collective subject of feminism, above the constant ontological and epistemological function that neoliberal politics applies, as the only way to aspire to that liberation and emancipation that we feminists long for. (shrink)

KOINONIA/ASETT MINGA/MUTIRÃO DE REVISTAS DE TEOLOGIA LATINO-AMERICANAS Teología feminista latinoamericana de la liberación: balance y futuro (Latin American feminist theology of liberation: balance and future).

Este artigo tem o objetivo de apresentar e desenvolver as críticas feministas à Teoria da Justiça de John Rawls, especialmente por meio do diálogo e das contribuições de Martha Nussbaum e Susan Okin para um liberalismo feminista. Para tanto, discutimos três pontos centrais no debate entre essas duas filósofas feministas e Rawls: a) a noção de família como uma instituição básica da sociedade; b) a distinção entre doutrinas morais abrangentes razoáveis e não razoáveis; e c) a concepção de pessoa política (...) com autonomia plena. As críticas à teoria rawlsiana feitas por feministas demonstram a riqueza e a profundidade de Rawls para o liberalismo contemporâneo, ao mesmo tempo em que apontam para os problemas que teorias que tradicionalmente não desenvolvem um olhar crítico para a situação generificada dos sistemas democráticos encontram ao abordar a situação da cidadania das mulheres. As demandas do feminismo liberal, relacionadas à situação de mulheres ao redor do mundo, são muito bem-articuladas por Nussbaum a partir de sua crítica interna ao liberalismo rawlsiano, enfatizando que algumas das disposições teóricas desse autor não parecem ser radicais o suficiente para garantir a disponibilidade integral dessas capacidades para mulheres e crianças. Da mesma forma, o diálogo de Nussbaum com as críticas de Okin aprofundaram o debate sobre os limites da teoria da justiça rawlsiana. (shrink)

In the modern age a specific lexicon has arisen to defend liberty and equality. This vocabulary has also been employed to defend misogynist positions and to justify the inequality between women and men. One clear example is Rousseau’s explanation of the sexual division of labour: women “naturally” decide to remain at home and look after the children while the men search for the resources necessary for the group. In this manner he intends to explain the relegation of women to the (...) private and domestic sphere. In the twentieth century this division entered in crisis due to the critical work of many feminist thinkers and groups. Among these Betty Friedan, Kate Millett and the Radicalesbians stand out. Their analyses put in question this division of spheres, their limits, their nature and their acceptance in society. Moreover they show the political scope and the power which underlies this division of labour, as well as the liberating possibilities resulting from the criticism of and the disobedience to the same. Betty Friedan denounces the social obstacles faced by women who wish to work outside the home and highlights the devastating consequences for the female psyche. Kate Millett puts in evidence the political system which oppresses women and how it colonises personal and intimate spaces. The Radicalesbians group underlines the freedom realised by woman-identified women. These feminists offer open and rich interpretations which are relevant in the present. (shrink)

Resumen: Este artículo expone un caso de estudio ilustrativo del papel de las mujeres en la prensa escrita de principios del siglo pasado que sirve para examinar críticamente los reportajes que firmara la estadounidense Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939) sobre las mujeres en Asia Oriental, publicados en la revista ilustrada Scribner’s Magazine y en Current History. La pretensión es poner de manifiesto los elementos ideológicos, culturales y de género patentes en las crónicas de Yule dedicados a la «nueva mujer» asiática, y (...) cómo los escritos reflejan el contexto geopolítico de la época. Se busca con ello destacar el rol de estas «corresponsales de género» para discutir la representación de la «nueva mujer» en Japón, China y Corea que difundieron en las revistas. Asimismo, se reseñan los factores «geosexuales» y «geoideológicos» de sus textos, y las contradicciones entre la realidad de aquellas mujeres y el intento de la periodista por superponer, manejando la categoría «nueva mujer», principios y valores propios de la «modernidad protestante» movilizados con la ayuda de a implantación en Asia de organizaciones lideradas por mujeres como la Young Women’s Christian Association (ywca). Se destaca la naturaleza disputada de la modernidad y del feminismo en Asia Oriental durante ese período, estudiando cómo las periodistas extranjeras jugaron un rol sustancial en la construcción de la imagen de la «nueva mujer» en la región, para concluir subrayando la relevancia que esta producción periodística tuvo transmitiendo el ideario liberal-idealista connatural a la sociedad internacional de entreguerras y los problemas epistémicos que presenta. Palabras clave: Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939); crónica periodística; nueva mujer; geosexualidad; geoideología. Abstract: This article presents an illustrative case study of the role of women in the print media at the beginning of the last century that serves to critically examine the chronicles signed by Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939) on women in East Asia, published in the journals Scribner’s Magazine and Current History. The aim is to highlight the ideological, cultural, and gender elements evident in Yule’s reports dedicated to the Asian «new woman», and how the writings reflect the geopolitical context of the time. This seeks to highlight the role of these «gender correspondents» to discuss the representation of the «new woman» in Japan, China, and Korea that they disseminated in magazines. Likewise, the «geosexual» and «geoideological» factors of their texts are reviewed, as well as the contradictions between the reality of those women and the journalist’s attempt to superimpose, handling the category “new woman”, principles and values of the «Protestant modernity» mobilized with the help of the establishment in Asia of women-led organizations such as the Young Women’s Christian Association (ywca). The disputed nature of modernity and feminism in East Asia during this period is underlined by studying how foreign journalists played a substantial role in the construction of the image of the «new woman» in the region, to conclude by showing the relevance that this journalistic production had in transmitting the liberal-idealist ideology inherent to the interwar international society and the epistemic problems that it presents. Keywords: Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939); journalistic chronicle; new woman; geosexuality; geoideology. Sumario: 1. Introducción; 2. La «nueva mujer» del «nuevo Japón»; 3. Las sin nombre: la «Señorita China» entre murallas; 4. Las «nuevas» y «jóvenes» rebeldes coreanas en un país «soñoliento»; 5. Nota final: El «género» de la «crónica»; 6. Referencias bibliográficas. (shrink)

La presente obra reúne los temas imprescindibles de un curso de filosofía política, dirigido tanto a estudiantes como a lectores interesados en la historia, los fundamentos y las implicaciones actuales de esta disciplina. La primera parte trata de la tradición liberal, los socialismos, las dimensiones del nacionalismo, el feminismo como proyecto filosófico-político y la institución de la democracia. La segunda parte aborda en profundidad un amplio abanico de cuestiones, desde la globalización o los problemas de legitimación del poder, (...) pasando por las relaciones entre Estado y nación, los derechos humanos como legado de la Modernidad o la actualidad y perspectivas de la ciudadanía, hasta la multiculturalidad y la inmigración, los movimientos sociales, la ecología o la justicia social. (shrink)

Mientras Carole Pateman (1988) afirma que «para las feministas la democracia no ha existido jamás», Julieta Kirkwood (1986) sostiene que «no hay democracia sin feminismo». Ambas aluden a la deuda del ideal democrático con la emancipación de las mujeres, e incluso a la función estructural de la exclusión de las mujeres en la democracia liberal. A partir de los encuentros y desencuentros entre democracia y feminismo, el presente artículo pretende ofrecer una definición de la democracia feminista que (...) vaya más allá de la inclusión a través de la acción afirmativa, abordando las tensiones que esta genera en el debate feminista de las últimas décadas y los nuevos desafíos en torno a las políticas de redistribución y de reconocimiento. ¿Es posible superar la opresión y la dominación a partir de políticas centradas en el interés de grupo? ¿Cómo se define ese interés sin esencializar la diferencia? Responder a estas preguntas resulta clave para plantear un concepto eficaz de democracia feminista. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to elucidate whether and how the theory of erotic capital may function as a feminist tool to subvert the hierarchies and relations in current economy in favour of the empowerment and liberation of women. Thus, by analyzing the ways in which white, liberal feminism directly constructs its claims and petitions through the absorption of liberal epistemological dogmas, we intend to search the direct relation between the ideology developed by white, cisgender feminists and (...) liberal economics and politics. This article demonstrates how a theory of erotic capital does not lead to a feminist subversion of economy, but reinforces the liberal economic and political system that relies on a masculine and androcentric epistemology. The subjectivity that women can achieve through the exploitation of erotic capital is only as consumers and not as productive agents.El objetivo de este artículo es arrojar luz sobre si el capital erótico puede ser considerado una herramienta feminista para la subversión de las jerarquías y relaciones económicas y favorecer una liberación de las mujeres. Para ello, observaremos cómo el feminismo blanco y liberal, ha construido sus peticiones sin cuestionar los principios fundamentales de la economía liberal con el objetivo de demostrar la relación que existe entre el feminismo blanco liberal cisgénero y el sistema político-económico liberal. Este artículo demuestra que la implementación del capital erótico no conduce a una subversión feminista de la economía, sino que fortalece el sistema económico y político liberal que se fundamenta en una epistemología masculina y androcéntrica. La subjetividad a la que acceden las mujeres por medio del capital erótico es en clave de consumidoras. (shrink)

Desde la crítica feminista a John Rawls y la teoría del reconocimiento de Axel Honneth, se propone ampliar la noción liberal de justicia social para que las relaciones de amor y cuidado recuperen su papel vital. Se examina en qué medida y sentido la vida familiar constituye una esfera de justicia para mostrar cómo, además de la regulación externa, es necesaria una mirada valorativa de sus relaciones internas, sin olvidar que en la familia intervienen virtudes que exceden a la (...) justicia. (shrink)

RESUMEN Desde la crítica feminista a John Rawls y la teoría del reconocimiento de Axel Honneth, se propone ampliar la noción liberal de justicia social para que las relaciones de amor y cuidado recuperen su papel vital. Se examina en qué medida y sentido la vida familiar constituye una esfera de justicia para mostrar cómo, además de la regulación externa, es necesaria una mirada valorativa de sus relaciones internas, sin olvidar que en la familia intervienen virtudes que exceden a (...) la justicia. ABSTRACT On the basis of the feminist critique of John Rawls and of Axel Honneth's theory of recognition, the paper suggests a broader liberal notion of social justice that reinstates the vital role of the relationships of love and care. It examines to what extent and in what sense family life constitutes a sphere of justice, in order to show that, in addition to external regulation, an evaluative approach of its internal relations is necessary, without neglecting the fact that virtues that go beyond justice are at stake in the family. (shrink)

La recepción durante el siglo XX se preguntó si la filosofía nietzscheana era a-, im- o anti-política, es decir, si podía ser asimilada por la democracia, o si era antimoderna, elitista y reaccionaria. El italiano Roberto Esposito ha propuesto leerla como formando e informando el paradigma de la biopolítica. Se discuten cuatro lecturas de esa biopolítica: como formadora del paradigma de la inmunidad, como tanatopolítica, como liberal y neoliberal, y como biopolítica afirmativa. Twentieth-century readers wondered if Nietzschean philosophy was (...) apolitical, impolitic, or anti-political; that is, if it could be assimilated by democracy or if it was antimodern, elitist, and reactionary. The Italian philosopher Robert Esposito has proposed reading Nietzsche's philosophy as forming and informing the biopolitical paradigm. Four readings of these biopolitics are discussed: as part of the paradigm of immunity, as thanatopolitics, as liberal and neoliberal, and as affirmative biopolitics. (shrink)

John Riley 'A (Ukrainian) Life in Soviet Film: Liber's _Alexander Dovzhenko_' _Film-Philosophy_, vol. 7 no. 31, September 2003.

Individual, family, economic, and other forms of people suffering impact organizations. Suffering in the workplace is probably a more common occurrence than expected in everyday life, and opposite to health and employee wellbeing. According to the World Health Organization, 300 million people worldwide struggle with depression and close to 800.000 people die due to suicide every year. The European Survey on Working Conditions in the European Union gathers the most varied aspects of working conditions, such as the duration of the (...) working day, relationships between collaborators in organizations, or healthy work habits. Among the results of that survey it is noteworthy that almost half of the close to twenty-two thousand workers surveyed in the 27 member countries stated that they felt uneasiness due to the conditions of their work. (shrink)

The author argues that the free society should not be seen as a hierarchy of superior and subordinate authorities but an archipelago of competing and overlapping jurisdictions. Kukathas has produced the book that no one with an interest in multiculturalism can afford to ignore.

The Demands of Liberal Education analyses and applies contemporary liberal political theory to certain key problems within the field of educational theory. Levinson examines problems centred around determining appropriate educational aims, content and institutional structure and argues that liberal governments should exercise a much greater control over education than they now do. Combining theoretical with empirical research, this book will interest and provoke scholars, policy makers, educators, parents, and all citizens interested in education politics.

The Practice of Liberal Pluralism defends a theory, liberal pluralism, which is based on three core concepts - value pluralism, political pluralism, and expressive liberty - and explores the implications of this theory for politics. Liberal pluralism helps clarify some of the complexities of real-world political action and points toward a distinctive conception of public philosophy and public policy. It leads to a vision of a good society in which political institutions are active in a delimited sphere (...) and in which, within broad limits, families, civil associations, and faith communities may organize and conduct themselves in ways that are not congruent with principles that govern the public sphere. The final section of the book defends liberal pluralism against attacks that it is internally incoherent or that it denies, without justification, key theological premises. Written in a nontechnical style, this book should appeal to professionals in philosophy, political science, law, and policy making. (shrink)

We live in a liberal, democratic, multicultural society where ideally the values of personal liberty and autonomy are paramount. In such a society the state, through the law, should not be concerned with telling people how they should live their lives. In spite of this, many of the ethical stances taken in liberal societies are paternalistic and authoritarian. This readable and balanced book is an original discussion of contemporary issues in bioethics. Max Charlesworth argues that as there can (...) be no public consensus on a set of core values – liberal societies accept a variety of religious, non-religious, political and moral stances - there should be a plurality of ethical stances as well. On this basis he discusses issues such as the ending of human life, the new reproductive technologies and ethical distribution of limited health-care resources, particularly hospital care. (shrink)

This is the first collection to present a comprehensive overview of liberal naturalism. Essential reading for students and researchers in all areas of philosophy it will be of particular interest for those studying philosophical naturalism, philosophy of science, metaphysics, philosophy of mind and ethics.

In this essay, I argue that the privileging of romantic and familial ties by those who believe in the liberal state’s right to exclude prospective immigrants cannot be justified. The reasons that count in favour of these relationships count equally in favour of a great array of relationships, from friends to creative collaborators, and whatever else falls in between. The liberal partialist now faces a dilemma, either the scope of the right to exclude is much more limited or (...) much broader than she previously assumed. (shrink)

Views American democracy, revolution, and capitalism in the light of Western history.

Compared to other debates in contemporary political philosophy, the light-to-heat ratio of discussions of neutrality has been somewhat dismal. Although most political philosophers seem to know whether they are for it or against it, there is considerable confusion about what “it” is. To be sure, some of this ambiguity has been noted, and at least partially dealt with, in the literature. Neutrality understood as a constraint on the sorts of reasons that may be advanced to justify state action is regularly (...) distinguished from “consequential neutrality”—that the effects of state policy must somehow be neutral.1 Yet interpretations of neutrality are far more diverse than most analyses recognize.2 Neutrality is sometimes understood as a doctrine about: the intent or aim of legislation or legislators,3 the proper functions of the state,4 the prohibition of the state “taking a stand” on some issues,5 the prohibition of the state enforcing moral character,6 or the requirement that the state take a stance of impartiality.7 Alternatively, neutrality can be understood as a requirement of a theory justice rather than state action.8 There are also differences about whether neutral states (or theories.. (shrink)

Raymond Geuss is a critic of liberalism, a politics so pervasive in the West that it goes unnoticed. His attention sharpened by his own unorthodox intellectual journey, Geuss locates what we fail to see in the status quo: its shallowness and futility. Rejecting both authoritarian horror and liberal complacency, Geuss looks to genuinely new ideas.

'... a powerful piece of work that deserves to be read widely. It ranges across central concerns in the fields of social theory, political theory, and science studies and engages with the ideas of key classical and contemporary thinkers' - Barry Smart, Professor of Sociology, University of Portsmouth.

This book develops a liberal theory of justice in exchange. It identifies the conditions that market exchanges need to fulfill to be just. It also addresses head-on a consequentialist challenge to existing theories of exchange, namely that, in light of new harms faced at the global level, we need to consider the combined consequences of millions of market exchanges to reach a final judgment about whether some individual exchange is just. The author argues that, even if we accept this (...) challenge, the effect of it is minimal. For different reasons, normatively problematic collective market outcomes like externalities, monopolies, violations of the Lockean proviso, inequality, and commodification do not pose particular problems to the justice of market exchanges. He outlines the various conditions a market exchange needs to fulfill to be considered just from a liberal background and in light of the new harms. Ultimately, he shows, it is not the market which is to blame; if we want to tackle issues like global warming or global economic injustice, we should not blindly follow the intuition that we best restrain and regulate markets. Commutative Justice is unique in its focus on justice in exchange rather than on end-state distributive justice, and the way in which it addresses the new harms we are facing today. It will be of interest to researchers and advanced students in philosophy, politics, and economics who are working on questions of economic justice. (shrink)

This book asks whether there any limits to the sorts of religious considerations that can be raised in public debates, and if there are, by whom they are to be identified. Its starting point is the work of Richard Rorty, whose pragmatic pluralism leads him to argue for a politically motivated anticlericalism rather than an epistemologically driven atheism. Rather than defend Rorty’s position directly, Gascoigne argues for an epistemological stance he calls ‘Pragmatist Fideism’. The starting point for this exercise in (...) what Rorty calls ‘Cultural Politics’ is an acknowledgement that one must appeal to both secularists and those with religious commitments. In recent years ‘reformed’ epistemologists have aimed to establish a parity of epistemic esteem between religious and perceptual beliefs by exploiting an analogy in respect of their mutual vulnerability to sceptical challenges. Through an examination of this analogy, and in light of Wittgenstein’s On Certainty, this book argues that understood correctly the ‘parity’ argument in fact lends epistemological support to the argument that religious considerations should not be raised in public debate. The political price paid—paying the price of politics—is worth it: the religious thinker is provided with a good reason for maintaining that their practices and beliefs are not undermined by other forms of religious life. (shrink)

Peter Gardner; Religious Upbringing and the Liberal Ideal of Religious Autonomy, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Volume 22, Issue 1, 30 May 2006, Pages 89–1.

Peter Gardner; Religious Upbringing and the Liberal Ideal of Religious Autonomy, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Volume 22, Issue 1, 30 May 2006, Pages 89–1.