A popular principle about grounding, “Internality”, says that if A grounds B, then necessarily, if A and B obtain, then A grounds B. I argue that Internality is false. Its falsity reveals a distinctive, new kind of explanation, which I call “ennobling”. Its falsity also entails that every previously proposed theory of what grounds grounding facts is false. I construct a new theory.

Why do we so often care about the outcomes of games when nothing is at stake? There is a paradox here, much like the paradox of fiction, which concerns why we care about the fates and threats of merely fictional beings. I argue that the paradox threatens to overturn a great deal of what philosophers have thought about caring, severing its connection to value and undermining its moral weight. I defend a solution to the paradox that draws on Kendall Walton's (...) solution to the paradox of fiction, developing his idea that it be extended to games. The solution takes games to involve make‐believe: in particular, players and spectators make‐believe that the outcome of the game matters. I also explore how the phenomenon extends beyond games. And I explore some moral implications: in particular, my view preserves the idea that we have reason not to impede others in their pursuit of what they care about. (shrink)

According to orthodoxy, the most fundamental kind of causation involves one event causing another event. I argue against this event‐causal view. Instead, the most fundamental kind of causation is thing causation, which involves a thing causing a thing to do something. Event causation is reducible to thing causation, but thing causation is not reducible to event causation, because event causation cannot accommodate cases of fine‐grained causation. I defend my view from objections, including C. D. Broad's influential “timing” argument, and I (...) conclude with implications for agent‐causal theories of free will. (shrink)

We argue that supererogation cannot be understood just in terms of reasons for action. In addition to reasons, a theory of supererogation must include prerogatives, which can make an action permissible without counting in favor of doing it.

A finalidade do texto seguinte consiste na exposição de uma relação de promiscuidade entre a técnica e a ciência na obra de Jean-François Lyotard. A primeira etapa deste artigo consiste na apresentação de um problema referente à obra A condição pós-moderna, onde a noção de técnica aparece sobre uma perspectiva positivista. Aqui, a intimidade entre técnica e ciência é resultado da crise dos fundamentos das ciências na modernidade, crise oriunda do afastamento entre as ciências e os discursos que se prestavam (...) frequentemente à sua legitimação. Esses discursos, que Lyotard aproxima do modelo narrativo, e dos quais se destacam o discurso político de emancipação e o discurso filosófico especulativo, entram em declínio na condição pós-moderna. As ciências, desprovidas de motivações ou destinos humanistas, não resistem à lógica capitalista, e encontram o intermediário de sua relação com o capital na técnica. O critério da ciência deixa, pouco a pouco, de ser a busca pela verdade e passa a ser a busca pelo melhor desempenho. A segunda e conclusiva etapa do artigo, consiste, por sua vez, na radicalização dessa promiscuidade, e se refere principalmente ao livro O inumano. A assim chamada tecnociência corresponde à completa submissão da ciência à técnica: se a visão positivista de A condição pós-moderna vê na técnica um suplemento, uma prótese que dá assistência à pesquisa científica, no segundo livro, a ciência se mostra a prótese ou o suplemento da técnica, que se revela, não obstante, inumana. Nessa segunda parte do artigo, pretendo mostrar que a visão positivista da técnica não é, portanto, suficiente para compreender a relação promíscua que ela tem com a ciência, mostrando-se necessário o recurso à perspectiva clássica da mesma: é a partir da visão da técnica como produtividade cega da physis que alcançamos também o entendimento do caráter inumano da tecnociência. (shrink)

This article evaluates the legality of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the March 2003 attack on Iraq. The author rejects assertions that Security Council Resolution 1441 (2002), standing alone, contained a mandate to employ force; on the contrary, the Resolution was only adopted on the understanding that it did not. The law of self-defense, including its ?preemptive? variant, similarly provided no legal basis for the action because the degree of Iraqi support to terrorism was insufficient and the threat of use of weapons (...) of mass destruction was not imminent. With regard to humanitarian intervention, the suffering inflicted by the Saddam Hussein's regime did not rise to a level allowing intervention. Moreover, international law does not permit forceful regime change except when authorized by the Security Council. However, the author argues that material breach of the 1991 cease-fire in Security Council Resolution 687 released the US and UK from their obligation to refrain from hostilities, thereby reactivating the use of force authorization in Security Council Resolution 678 (1990). This latter justification was the sole official legal justification offered for Operation Iraqi Freedom. (shrink)

Anscombe famously said that there are some act types that can only be done intentionally. We defend this claim: some act types are essentially intentional. We argue that Ving intentionally is itself essentially intentional: it is not possible to be non-intentionally Ving intentionally. And we show how this explains why various other act types—such as trying, lying, and thanking—are essentially intentional. Finally, building on Piñeros Glassock (2020) and Beddor & Pavese (2022), we explain how this makes trouble for the thesis (...) that if I am Ving intentionally, I know that I am Ving. (shrink)

This paper sheds new light on Putnam's hypothesis that watching television, particularly entertainment programs, contributes to an erosion of social trust. Previous studies have been unable to reach convincing evidence regarding this claim. It is argued that this is a consequence of the neglect of indirect, interpersonally mediated TV effects which supplement the influence of direct exposure, and extend even to those who do not watch television. Using data from the 2002 and 2004 waves of the European Social Survey in (...) combination with aggregate data from telemetric audience research, we conduct a multilevel analysis of TV's impact on social trust. Investigating this macro-micro relationship, we find that patterns of general TV use in 25 European societies exert substantial effects on individual social trust that by far exceed those of individual TV use. In line with Putnam's hypothesis, there is a negative impact of total TV time; however, high market shares of public TV increase social trust. (shrink)

Intractability and optimality are two sides of one coin: Optimal models are often intractable, that is, they tend to be excessively complex, or NP-hard. We explain the meaning of NP-hardness in detail and discuss how modem computer science circumvents intractability by introducing heuristics and shortcuts to optimality, often replacing optimality by means of sufficient sub-optimality. Since the principles of decision theory dictate balancing the cost of computation against gain in accuracy, statistical inference is currently being reshaped by a vigorous new (...) trend: the science of simplicity. Simple models, as we show for specific cases, are not just tractable, they also tend to be robust. Robustness is the ability of a model to extract relevant information from data, disregarding noise.Recently, Gigerenzer, Todd and the ABC Research Group (1999) have put forward a collection of fast and frugal heuristics as simple, boundedly rational inference strategies used by the unaided mind in real world inference problems. This collection of heuristics has suggestively been called the adaptive toolbox. In this paper we will focus on a comparison task in order to illustrate the simplicity and robustness of some of the heuristics in the adaptive toolbox in contrast to the intractability and the fragility of optimal solutions. We will concentrate on three important classes of models for comparison-based inference and, in each of these classes, search for that to be used as benchmarks to evaluate the performance of fast and frugal heuristics: lexicographic trees, linear modes and Bayesian networks. Lexicographic trees are interesting because they are particularly simple models that have been used by humans throughout the centuries. Linear models have been traditionally used by cognitive psychologists as models for human inference, while Bayesian networks have only recently been introduced in statistics and computer science. Yet it is the Bayesian networks that are the best possible benchmarks for evaluating the fast and frugal heuristics, as we will show in this paper. (shrink)

Cet article traite de la fabrication des héroïnes en Grèce ancienne. Le traité « Vertus de Femmes » (Gunaikon Aretai, Mulierum Virtutes) de Plutarque propose des exemples de femmes ayant fait preuve d’arété dans leur vie. L’étude des quelques histoires permet de comprendre les caractéristiques de cette valeur féminine : les actes de bravoure, les leçons de courage, le consentement, les bons conseils, la résistance au tyran… Les femmes sont louées par la cité, mais la reconnaissance publique ne se traduit (...) jamais dans le domaine politique. La construction de l’héroïsme en Grèce ancienne est en rapport direct avec les coutumes et les valeurs de ces sociétés anciennes. Cet article relève à la fois de l’histoire du genre et de l’histoire du politique. (shrink)

Cet article traite de la fabrication des héroïnes en Grèce ancienne. Le traité « Vertus de Femmes » (Gunaikon Aretai, Mulierum Virtutes) de Plutarque propose des exemples de femmes ayant fait preuve d’arété dans leur vie. L’étude des quelques histoires permet de comprendre les caractéristiques de cette valeur féminine : les actes de bravoure, les leçons de courage, le consentement, les bons conseils, la résistance au tyran… Les femmes sont louées par la cité, mais la reconnaissance publique ne se traduit (...) jamais dans le domaine politique. La construction de l’héroïsme en Grèce ancienne est en rapport direct avec les coutumes et les valeurs de ces sociétés anciennes. Cet article relève à la fois de l’histoire du genre et de l’histoire du politique. (shrink)

De nombreuses sources (iconographiques, littéraires, épigraphiques, archéologiques) offrent des documents sur la part prise par les femmes grecques antiques aux banquets dans des contextes très variés : symposion d’hétaïres, repas sacrificiels, repas dans des cultes exclusivement réservés aux femmes, banquets publics ouverts aux femmes, consommation individuelle et journalière. Cet article tente de les rassembler et de les comparer pour dégager les significations multiples de la présence des femmes aux banquets et poser en cours de route quelques questions de méthode et (...) d’histoire. (shrink)

Das Spannungsverhaltnis von Eigenwohl und Gemeinwohl zieht sich durch alle Poren unseres individuellen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Lebens. Im politikwissenschaftlichen Diskurs seit der Antike wird dieses Verhaltnis als Beziehung von Legitimitat und Ziel politischer Herrschaft, Mittel und Zweck von Machterwerb und Machterhalt thematisiert. Obgleich diese Thematik auch die Gegenwart von Theorie und Praxis des Gemeinwohldiskurses nach wie vor bestimmt, kann das klassische Konzept die neuen Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts nicht mehr hinreichend erfassen. Das forschungspraktische und strategische Problemfeld der Publikation lasst sich (...) daher in der Grundfrage zusammenfassen, wie, d.h. unter welchen Voraussetzungen und mit welchen Mitteln das Spannungsverhaltnis von Eigenwohl und Gemeinwohl als theoretisch-methodisches und praktisch-politisches Problem aufgelost und fur eine Gemeinwohl-orientierte Politik im Rahmen der Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts genutzt werden kann. (shrink)

Plus de cinq ans de parution, douze numéros et sans doute plus de trois mille pages, CLIO a atteint l'âge adulte. CLIO est-elle connue de toutes et de tous, du moins parmi les historiens? Sans doute, si l'on excepte la tribu toujours un peu lointaine des historiens de l'Antiquité pour lesquels Klio (avec un K) reste et demeure une très savante revue d'histoire ancienne publiée à Vienne. Mais c'était bien le risque (mesuré) que de vouloir prendre le nom d'une muse (...) qui avait déjà séduit plus d... (shrink)

This book is a translation into English of La religion grecque by Louise Bruit Zaidman and Pauline Schmitt Pantel, described by Dr Simon Price as 'an excellent book, by far the best introduction to the subject in any language'. It is the purpose of the book to consider how religious beliefs and cultic rituals were given expression in the world of the Greek citizen - the functions performed by the religious personnel, and the place that religion occupied in individual, (...) social and political life. The chapters cover first ritual and then myth, rooting the account in the practices of the classical city while also taking seriously the world of the imagination. For this edition the bibliography has been substantially revised to meet the needs of a mainly student, English-speaking readership. The book is enriched throughout by illustrations, and by quotations from original sources. (shrink)

À des « antiquisants » séduits par les publications de K. J. Dover, de P. Veyne et de E. Cantarella, à un lectorat pétri des travaux de M. Foucault, l’ouvrage de J. D. Davidson propose une autre « histoire des plaisirs » dans la démocratique Athènes, une approche plus complexe et plus souple parce qu’elle entend se dégager de l’opposition prégnante entre sexualité active et sexualité passive. Sa lecture est d’autant plus passionnante que l’ouvrage plus récent de F. Dupont et (...) T. Eloy - L’Érotisme masculin dans la Rome antique - invite, lui aussi, à réfléchir sur ce que l’auteur appelle « la théorie du phallus ». (shrink)

A pesquisa expõe o instituto Democracia e o exercício da cidadania, nas formas de participação popular, como o observatório social, e a importância deste para a lisura dos procedimentos de licenciamentos urbanos-ambientais, fundado na sustentabilidade. Justifica-se pela necessidade acadêmica de reavivar a democracia e seus objetivos, enfatizando que os observatórios sociais podem ser efetivos na fiscalização da legislação ambiental para garantir direitos socioambientais nas políticas públicas. Elegeu-se o método dedutivo, a técnica bibliográfica. Conclui-se que o exercício da democracia pela cidadania (...) nos observatórios sociais, sob o princípio da sustentabilidade, faz valer a vontade popular na tomada de decisões. (shrink)

Promoting student’s school engagement is a major goal in our society. The literature has shown that students’ proximal sources of social support can play a fundamental role in facilitating this engagement. The purpose of this study was to compare perceived support from four sources as a function of two different middle-school student backgrounds, a priority education area and a privileged area; and to examine the contribution of these main sources of social support, either directly or indirectly to school engagement; and (...) to test whether perceived social support is more strongly related to school engagement, directly or indirectly, among students from priority education school compared to students from the advantaged area. In all, 623 middle-school students from either a privileged or priority education area participated in this study. The results showed that the mother was perceived as providing more support, followed by the father, the teachers, and the peers. Students from the priority education area perceived more support from their teachers than their counterparts from the more privileged area did. A path analysis showed that each source of social support, except for maternal support, contributed to school engagement. Peers and teachers emerged as the best source of support for school engagement, having significant direct effects among students from the priority education area and both direct and indirect effects among students from the advantaged area. Peer support also appears to have a double-edged effect on school engagement among students in the priority education area. This study contributes to enlightening the phenomenon of school engagement in adolescence by clarifying the role of social support and the related mediating process. Being perceived as an important source of social support by students is not enough to contribute to their sense of school belonging and school engagement. (shrink)

Les femmes mises en images abondent dans les livres d'histoire, de sociologie ou d'esthétique. Peut-être devrait-on plutôt parler, à leur propos, d'un rapport des hommes aux images, car il s'est presque toujours agi de la transcription des images que les hommes se font des femmes, de leur imaginaire de la Femme. Ainsi en est-il dans le monde grec ancien. S'il n'est nullement exclu que des femmes aient pu faire partie du personnel des ateliers de fabrication de vases à Athènes par (...) exemp... (shrink)

In this essay, I attempt to measure various prevailing democratic theories against an argument that Carl Schmitt advances in the first chapter of his ‘Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy’. In practice, he claims there, democratic politics is compelled to introduce a distinction between ‘the will of the people’ and the behaviour of the empirical people, thus justifying the bracketing and unlimited suspension of the latter in the name of the former, even to the point of dictatorship. I argue that no (...) contemporary approach to democracy as a fundamental value is able to mount a compelling response to this critique and that we should therefore reconsider the status of democracy as a normative commitment. I proceed by carefully and closely reading Schmitt’s chapter and then by juxtaposing various currents of democratic theory (including liberal, deliberative, epistemic and various hybrids thereof) with the trajectory of Schmitt’s argument. This essay is therefore less of a contribution to Schmitt scholarship, in the sense that it does not take a panoramic view of his corpus to determine his final stance on democracy, and more of an intervention into contemporary democratic theory using Schmitt’s argument as a kind of lever. (shrink)

Within Germany, Carl Schmitt's status as a political thinker is on a par with Machiavelli and Hobbes. With the rise in neo-conservatism and authoritarian liberalism in less developed countries such as Chile and Singapore, Renato Christi believes Schmitt's theories will become of considerable importance. Nazi Third Reich. His political theories provide an insight into the nature of Conservatism. well as extrapolate possibilities for the future.

This article, originally a preface to the French edition of Carl Schmitt’s book The Leviathan in the State theory of Thomas Hobbes, displays a critical analysis that not only puts the above work in context, but also raises a question about Schmitt’s appropriation of Hobbes, an author who was considered a beacon of light by the former during his whole lifetime. Thus, the article undertakes a reconstitution of Schmitt´s relevance for Political Theory and Philosophy in recent years, (...) and then develops the way Hobbes was analysed in Schmitt´s essay. The interpretation of the Jurist is not innocent at all, and the propinquity to the English author in some issues could have allowed the former to reinforce his own arguments by using the latter as a mere strategic tool. The key question the article tries to elucidate is whether this re-appropriation was successful or not. (shrink)

Mentionné à plusieurs reprises bien qu’aucun de ses écrits ne soit cité, Bakounine occupe une place particulière dans quelques-uns des principaux textes de Carl Schmitt (Théologie politique, La dictature, Le concept de politique). Les thèmes que Schmitt choisit de repérer chez Bakounine (satanisme, naturalisme, nature religieuse de l’autorité, refus de la médiation), s’ils sont l’indice d’une connaissance précise de l’œuvre du révolutionnaire russe, permettent également de l’inscrire dans une opposition terme à terme avec les théoriciens de la contre-révolution. (...) La lecture attentive que Schmitt semble avoir faite des textes de Bakounine ne doit donc pas masquer que dans l’œuvre du théoricien allemand, Bakounine est avant tout une figure : celle de l’anarchiste russe, ennemi par excellence qui prétend en finir avec le politique. Apparemment adventice, la convocation de cette figure partiellement mythique touche dès lors à un thème central chez Schmitt, celui de la conception de la politique. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt's critique of liberalism has gained increasing influence in the last few decades. This article focuses on Schmitt's analysis of international law in The Nomos of the Earth, in order to uncover the reasons for his appeal as a critic not only of liberalism but of American hegemonic aspirations as well. Schmitt saw the international legal order that developed after World War I, and particularly the "criminalization of aggressive war," as a smokescreen to hide U.S. aspirations (...) to world dominance. By focusing on Schmitt's critique of Kant's concept of the "unjust enemy," the article shows the limits of Schmitt's views and concludes that Schmitt, as well as left critics of U.S. hegemony, misconstrue the relation between international law and democratic sovereignty as a model of top-down domination. As conflictual as the relationship between international norms and democratic sovereignty can be at times, this needs to be interpreted as one of mediation and not domination. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt sees the 1933 Nazi seizure of power as a revolution that inaugurates an entirely new era of political-legal order. Analyzing Schmitt’s rarer Nazi-texts, diaries, and correspondence, I argue that from 1933 to 1936 Schmitt attempts to theorize the Nazi revolution by developing an entirely new political language of Nazism, cleansed from non-German ways of thinking, especially nineteenth-century liberalism. I focus on three conceptual transformations through which Schmitt understands the remaking of the German state: The (...) shift from the liberal democratic neutral state to a new one-party state or a Führer-state dominated by a movement – a shift symbolized by the “death of Hegel”; the transformation of sovereign power into Führertum, represented by the symbolical deaths of Jean Bodin and Thomas Hobbes, whose thought cannot comprehend the totality of the Nazi movement, and the perversion of the liberal-democratic equality before the law to the völkisch equality of the race as the basis of all Nazi political–legal life. Criticizing previous interpretations of Schmitt’s Nazi thinking, I demonstrate that when Schmitt abandons his own decicionist thought in favor of concrete order thinking in 1933/1934 the idea of race becomes the basis of his political–legal thought. (shrink)

Gottfried looks at Schmitt as a critic of modern liberalism and as a defender of the national state who carefully examined Western historical and political traditions. Challenging the view that Schmitt was a mere polemicist who set out to subvert "German Democracy", Gottfried's work argues instead, that Schmitt criticized liberal democracy from a highly liberal reflective position that combined analytical depth with staggering erudition. This new source also provides a useful bibliography on secondary literature dealing with Carl (...) Schmitt's work. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt verfügt heute über eine so breite und stets wachsende internationale Leserschaft wie kein anderer deutscher Staatsrechtslehrer des vergangenen Jahrhunderts. Sein Werk wird dabei freilich meist isoliert betrachtet und allenfalls auf den staatsrechtlichen Kontext bezogen. Im Mittelpunkt dieses Buches steht dagegen der politische Intellektuelle, der weit über die Grenzen seines Faches hinauswirkte. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit gilt dabei den Anfangs- und den Endjahren der Weimarer Republik. Während Schmitt in München Strategien zur Zähmung der Revolution entwickelte, setzte er sich in (...) seinen Berliner Jahren für eine autoritäre Transformation der Verfassung ein, die neben der äußersten Linken auch die äußerste Rechte von der Macht fernhalten sollte. Das geschah nicht nur in der Form der verfassungsrechtlichen Expertise für Regierungskreise, sondern auch durch publizistische Interventionen, bei denen der in Bonn gebildete Schülerkreis Schmitts eine tragende Rolle spielte. Zeitschriften wie Der Ring und das Deutsche Volkstum standen in der Endkrise der Weimarer Republik zeitweise vollständig unter dem Einfluß Schmittscher Ideen, und auch im breiteren Umfeld waren sie präsent, etwa in den Organen der Bündischen Jugend oder in der vielgelesenen Tat. Selbst Kritiker Schmitts konnten sich diesem Einfluß nicht entziehen, wie am Beispiel Otto Kirchheimers, Franz Neumanns, Ernst Fraenkels, Waldemar Gurians und anderer gezeigt wird. Gestützt auf nachgelassene Korrespondenzen und eine umfassende Auswertung der zeitgenössischen Publizistik gibt das Buch Aufschluß über Schmitts Netzwerk und seine politischen Strategien. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt's friend/enemy principle is exposed to in-depth philosophical analysis and historical examination with the aim of showing that the political follows hostility, violence and terror as form follows matter. The book argues that the partisan is an umbrella concept that includes the national and global terrorist.

Carl Schmitt, in a sense the initiator of Political Theology, proposed that all important political concepts are reinterpretations of or parallels to theological concepts. This insight is in this contribution described and applied to current political thought, for which it is valuable as modern democracies emerge from the secularism of modernism to a more fully self-aware post-secularism.

La doctrine de l'État de Cari Schmitt, souvent délaissée au profit d'autres facettes de son œuvre, constitue pourtant le lieu où s'incarnent ses théories du politique et de la Constitution. Le juriste allemand y consigne les bouleversements institutionnels traversés par l'Allemagne au XXe siècle. En 1914, il pense encore l'État dans sa conformité à la légalité, alors qu'à la chute de l'Empire, il ne considère les organes étatiques que dans leur usage de la décision et leur aptitude à affronter (...) les situations d'exception. Dans une perspective inédite, à partir d'une étude systématique de ses écrits relatifs à l'État, cet ouvrage relie la théologie politique de Schmitt, son anti-individualisme, comme sa définition singulière du politique, à ses propositions de refonte des institutions. La reconstitution de sa doctrine de l'État éclaire d'un jour nouveau l'affrontement entre ses partisans et ses adversaires et explique, malgré les compromissions avérées de Cari Schmitt avec le nazisme, la persistance de sa pensée dans la vie intellectuelle après Nuremberg. (shrink)

2007 marks the sixtieth anniversary of Carl Schmitt's interrogations at Nuremberg. It has also been twenty years since Telos published the transcripts of what was presumed to be the complete three interrogations of him conducted by the prosecutor Robert M. W. Kempner in April 1947.1 Through the vicissitudes of research, these historical and scholarly milestones have coincided with the discovery of new archival documentation on Schmitt and Nuremberg. Among the most surprising of these new discoveries is the transcript (...) of a “fourth” interrogation of Schmitt that occurred on April 11, 1947, which apparently even Kempner had forgotten.2 The uncovering of…. (shrink)

In the last years, a theological turn had a pervasive influence in the reception of Carl Schmitt’s writings. According to this view, his thought has a strong, substantial religious foundation. With regards to understanding not only Schmitt’s position but also his current influence in authoritarian countries, this essay argues that this interpretation is misleading and proposes a different and comprehensive analysis of Schmitt’s concept of political theology that replaces it in a political-legal framework. Against the theological reading, (...) it argues that Schmitt’s concept of “political theology” refers to his own conception of legal theory as an attempt to relegitimize authority in a secular context. As “political theology,” this legal theory is designed to overcome normativism and parliamentarism by “substantializing” the legal form. Using Schmitt’s post-1933 works as an example, the essay shows that, as theology translates faith into a written doctrine, legal theory must, according to Schmitt, substantialize the legal form by translating the political idea into jurisprudence. Hence, this article concludes that Schmitt’s theory might be described as “political theology” but only in a formal, ideological sense. It is part of an authoritarian theory that is not religious but uses theology to revive an appearance of absolute legitimacy. (shrink)