Literature has been philosophically understood as a practice in the last thirty years, which involves “modes of utterance” and stances, not intrinsic textual properties. Thus, the place for semantics in philosophical inquiry has clearly diminished. Literary aesthetic appreciation has shifted its focus from aesthetic realism, based on the study of textual features, to ways of reading. Peter Lamarque’s concept of narrative opacity is a clear example of this shift. According to the philosophy of literature, literature, like any other art form, (...) does not compel us to engage realistically with it. Against this trend, this paper argues for the distinction between two kinds of opacity, defending textual opacity as a necessary condition for literary opacity. In this sense, examples in literary criticism properly illustrate not a peripheral role of meaning in literary appreciation, but arbitrariness in interpretation, which involves semantic concerns. So the assumed interest in the specific ways in which literature embeds meaning in fictional narrative works. (shrink)

O objetivo geral desta contribuição é elucidar um dilema envolvido no debate sobre a relação entre o conhecimento teórico-prático e o valor estético da literatura. Para atingir esse objetivo, são analisados os argumentos defendidos por Peter Lamarque contra a redução epistêmica do valor literário. Em primeiro lugar, mostra-se que a defesa do valor cognitivo da literatura não necessariamente implica um compromisso com uma teoria proposicional do valor estético da literatura. Em segundo, que o que determina o valor estético da literatura (...) é a forma específica com que ganha a “batalha pelas ideias”. Portanto, segundo esta interpretação desse dilema, a opacidade narrativa não só não exclui de maneira alguma o nosso conhecimento de mundo, como a forma específica de conhecimento literário que ela constitui é o que explica o valor estético das obras literárias. (shrink)

Nosso objetivo neste trabalho é, em primeiro lugar, apresentar o modelo de liberalismo proposto por John Stuart Mill como relevante para o construtivismo da teoria política de John Rawls. Para tal, vamos mostrar que o contratualista americano em alguma medida subscreve o liberalismo do utilitarista inglês. Vamos aproximar ambos os autores no tocante ao método intuicionista e verificar se ainda há alguma vantagem no consequencialismo de Mill. Para Rawls, um procedimento intuicionista é ligado a um conjunto de princípios que não (...) pode ser reduzido. Mill se encaixa na definição, portanto, na medida em que advoga um tipo de hedonismo, característica que o americano descarta, por poder ser listada como teoria moral abrangente. Mesmo assim, precisamos verificar até que medida é possível considerar o utilitarismo de Mill como tendo influenciado o liberalismo de Rawls. Assim, levaremos em conta que ele autorizou, pelo menos parcialmente, um método intuicionista e mostraremos que isso se deu por influência da filosofia política de Mill. Fica assim admitido que o apelo à intuição está na base da teoria da justiça, mas tudo somado pode ficar perfeitamente claro onde reside o equilíbrio lógico proposto por Rawls. Mesmo com o desacordo final, é possível notar a influência do projeto liberal do londrino em torno da teoria política que resultou na _Teoria da Justiça_. Restará ainda tentar saber se realmente é possível se afastar de um consequencialismo e se há alguma vantagem teórica em se manter filiado a uma teoria política e ética como a de Mill do ponto de vista jurídico institucional. Isso porque o consequencialismo com um viés estritamente constitucional, como aquele sugerido por Rawls, não parece ser capaz de solucionar um problema jurídico externo ao hermético sistema teórico proposto nas teorias da justiça contemporâneas. (shrink)

In this paper we aim to think systematically about, formulate, and begin addressing some of the challenges to applying theories of moral responsibility to behaviors shaped by a particular subset of unsettling psychological complexities: namely, implicit biases.

RESUMO: Esse trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o construtivismo político da Terceira Conferência da obra Liberalismo Político, de John Rawls. Especificamente, vamos tentar compreender como, limitando o universo de construção aos parâmetros estabelecidos pelo discurso político, podemos estender o alcance dos princípios acordados na posição original para uma comunidade muito mais ampla frente às doutrinas morais abrangentes. Demonstraremos o construtivismo político coerentista não em oposição ao intuicionismo moral utilitarista nem ao construtivismo moral kantiano, mas como capaz de absorver modelos com (...) esse grau de razoabilidade. Isso será disposto através de uma justificação pública tanto do conteúdo quanto da forma do modelo adotado. Assim, o consenso sobreposto apresentado por Rawls é responsável direto pelo resultado democrático que esperamos de uma sociedade onde a publicidade ocupa espaço enquanto fato e possui um valor aceito como legítimo. Nosso método de trabalho envolve uma leitura analítica do texto e de comentadores pertinentes ao assunto proposto.ABSTRACT: This study aims to objective analyze the political constructivism of the Third Conference of the work Political Liberalism, by John Rawls. Specifically, we understand how limiting the universe of construction to the parameters by the political discourse, we can extend the reach of the principles agreed in the original position to a much larger universe in the face of comprehensive moral doctrines. We demonstrate what political constructivism no consistent as opposed to utilitarian moral intuitionism or the Kantian moral constructivism, but as capable of absorbing models with this degree of reasonableness. This will be provided through a public justification of both the content and form of the model adopted. Thus, the overlapping consensus presented by Rawls is directly responsible for the democratic results we expect from a society where democracy takes up space as a fact and has a value accepted as legitimate. KEYWORDS: Constructivism; justification; liberalism. (shrink)

Resumo: o presente artigo tem o objetivo central de sugerir uma aproximação entre a teoria da justiça de Rawls e o liberalismo de Mill. Vamos nos apoiar em dois elementos metodológicos para isso: o fato de Rawls ter admitido um tipo de consequencialismo pela via institucional e a sua filiação a um nível mitigado de intuicionismo na base da sua teoria da justiça. A primeira característica busca a correção de políticas institucionais, levando em consideração determinadas finalidades sociais de comunidades políticas (...) liberais: coordenação, eficiência e estabilidade; a segunda, por seu turno, se refere a não podermos provar uma teoria normativa, no sentido tradicional de prova empírica, algo antecipado por Mill. Para Rawls, teorias normativas em geral devem ter a sua disposição elementos de especulação que não podem ser demonstrados aprioristicamente. No construtivismo político, essa postura não está expressa no sentido reducionista, empregado pelo princípio da utilidade de Mill, mas enquanto procedimento. Por fim, vamos apresentar uma vantagem do consequencialismo utilitarista tendo em vista a adjudicação em casos de dolo e culpa, nos quais, segundo tal interpretação, é extrapolado o limite institucional. Mesmo assim, resguarda-se o mérito de Rawls de se aproximar do liberalismo político de Mill, se afastando de uma teoria moral abrangente. (shrink)

We discuss the implications of the Selfish Goal model for moral responsibility, arguing it suggests a form of skepticism we call the “locus problem.” In denying that individuals contain any genuine psychological core of information processing, the Selfish Goal model denies the kind of locus of control intuitively presupposed by ascriptions of responsibility. We briefly consider ways the problem might be overcome.

This chapter begins by sketching an account of morally responsible agency and the general conditions under which it may fail. We discuss how far individuals with psychiatric diagnoses may be exempt from morally responsible agency in the way that infants are, with examples drawn from a sample of diagnoses intended to make dierent issues salient. We further discuss a recent proposal that clinicians may hold patients responsible without blaming them for their acts. We also consider cognitively impaired subjects in the (...) light of related issues in moral and political theory, asking whether they have been unjustly excluded from liberal conceptions of political community due to their presumed lack of agency. (shrink)

This book contains a group of 90 original dramatic essays, short plays, and letters_mostly written in the dialectical or dialogue style attributed to the great Greek philosopher, Socrates . Each essay seeks to take the reader to the uncharted territory of their own mind in order to break the shackles of hypocrisy_to develop individual virtue, character and to encourage morality, discipline, and perseverance in the face of obstacles.

This article takes the following two assumptions for granted: first, that gifts influence physicians and, second, that the influences gifts have on physicians may be harmful for patients. These assumptions are common in the applied ethics literature, and they prompt an obvious practical question, namely, what is the best way to mitigate the negative effects? We examine the negative effects of gift giving in depth, considering how the influence occurs, and we assert that the ethical debate surrounding gift-giving practices must (...) be reoriented. Our main claim is that the failure of recent policies addressing gift giving can be traced to a misunderstanding of what psychological mechanisms are most likely to underpin physicians’ biased behavior as a result of interaction with the medical industry. The problem with gift giving is largely not a matter of malicious or consciously self-interested behavior, but of well-intentioned actions on the part of physicians that are nonetheless perniciously infected by the presence of the medical industry. Substantiating this claim will involve elaboration on two points. First, we will retrace the history of policies regarding gift giving between the medical profession and the medical industry and highlight how most policies assume a rationalistic view of moral agency. Reliance on this view of agency is best illustrated by past attempts to address gift giving in terms of conflicts of interest. Second, we will introduce and motivate an alternate view of moral agency emerging from recent literature in social psychology on implicit social cognition. We will show that proper consideration of implicit social cognition paints a picture of human psychology at odds with the rationalistic model assumed in discussions of COIs. With these two pieces on the table we will be able to show that, without fully appreciating the social-psychological mechanisms of implicit cognition, policy-makers are likely to overlook significant aspects of how gifts influence doctors. (shrink)

This book is part of the TREDITION CLASSICS. It contains classical literature works from over two thousand years. Most of these titles have been out of print and off the bookstore shelves for decades. The book series is intended to preserve the cultural legacy and to promote the timeless works of classical literature. Readers of a TREDITION CLASSICS book support the mission to save many of the amazing works of world literature from oblivion. With this series, tredition intends to make (...) thousands of international literature classics available in printed format again - worldwide. (shrink)

A construção de modelos artificiais capazes de tomar decisões geralmente é contrastada à fraca estrutura de comportamento ético capaz de compreender o uso de inteligência artificial para a escolha moral. Neste artigo, discutimos o papel da ética de Hans Jonas e da filosofia crítica de Andrew Feenberg na determinação de princípios para uma ética destes modelos, indo na direção oposta às pesquisas e publicações recentes na área. Analisando o caso específico trazido em Boot et al., à luz de ambos filósofos, (...) podemos demonstrar como os avanços na técnica carecem da necessária crítica filosófica e estudo da nova ética na era da tecnologia. (shrink)

In many areas of philosophy, it is becoming more and more mainstream to appeal or at least refer to social science research. For example, in moral psychology, the empirically informed approach is well established in the literature on moral judgment, moral emotions, and moral responsibility (Greene, 2013; Nichols, 2004; Prinz, 2007; Kelly, 2011; Doris, 2016; Roskies, 2006; Vargas, 2013). Does work in the social sciences have any bearing on philosophical questions about practical reason or reasoning? While there has been some (...) excellent work that explores this question (e.g., Stein, 1996 ; Bishop and Trout, 2004 ), the growing empirical wave is less noticeable here. But this may not be because empirical research is irrelevant to the philosophical questions in the area. In this chapter, we will consider three questions about practical reason or reasoning that might be illuminated by attention to research in the social sciences. First, we’ll consider whether research on the role of sentiments on moral judgment is relevant to the philosophical debate between moral rationalism and moral sentimentalism. Second, we’ll consider whether research on the unconscious causes of action undermines philosophical views about the relationship between reasons and actions. Third, we’ll consider whether research on implicit bias is relevant to the normative question of how we can reason better. Along the way, we’ll see that when philosophical arguments and theories about practical reason make empirical assumptions – which they often do – empirical research can help to test these assumptions. We’ll also see that philosophical theories don’t always make the assumptions they are accused of making by their critics. Finally, we’ll see that we can make better prescriptions for how to reason better if we have a better sense of what we’re doing wrong. (shrink)

Daniel K. Finn’s Moral Agency Within Social Structures and Culture: A Primer on Critical Realism for Christian Ethics (Moral Agency for short) contributes well to the mutual enrichment of critical...

In Torture, Terror and Trade-Offs: Philosophy for the White House Jeremy Waldron asks how moral philosophy can illuminate real life political problems. He argues that moral philosophers should remind politicians of the importance of adhering to moral principle, and he also argues that some moral principles are absolute and exceptionless. Thus, he is very critical of those philosophers who, post 9/11, were willing to condone the use of torture. In this article I discuss and criticize Waldron’s absolutism. In particular, I (...) claim that the arguments he offers in support of it are either dependent on religious conviction or support only rule utilitarianism, not absolutism. Additionally, I argue that the character of politics is such that it is both undesirable and morally irresponsible for politicians to adopt the absolutist approach favoured by Waldron. We have reason to be glad that Professor Waldron does not go to Washington. (shrink)

The rules -- Ten other civil things you can do -- A last word -- Key dates in the life of George Washington.

Name der Zeitschrift: Kant-Studien Jahrgang: 107 Heft: 2 Seiten: 408-411.

The "old" sustainability : a story of listening and harmony -- The 1960s to the present : key conferences and statements -- Rise of the "new" sustainability : the weak and the strong -- Economic sustainability : coming to grips with endless growth -- Ecological sustainability : essential but overlooked -- Social sustainability : utopian dream or practical path to change? -- Overpopulation and overconsumption -- Worldview and ethics in sustainability -- An unsustainable denial -- Appropriate technology for sustainability -- (...) Solutions for sustainability. (shrink)

A more provocative subject than “lying in politics” is difficult to imagine. Everybody, from the proverbial “Joe Sixpack” to ivory-tower philosophers, can wax eloquently on the subject, if only because easy-to-find, shocking examples abound. If moral outrage were judged an essential vitamin, then condemning dishonesty undoubtedly guarantees a daily megadose. Unfortunately, at least for those who crave self-indulgent outrage, the anti-lying case is less than 100 percent compelling. It is a quagmire of the first order, if only because those who (...) cherish frankness also usually confess to lying. Hannah Arendt once suggested that lies are a necessary and justifiable tool of the statesman's trade. Formulating damnation criteria invites mind-boggling paradoxes, and strident defenders of truth-telling, with scant exception, admit that falsehoods are “sometimes” permitted for “good” reasons. And what might be these “good reasons”? Who can say for sure? Centuries of erudite scholarship on this point might be encapsulated as “Lying to me is bad, but I can consent to deceiving others for noble purposes, as artfully decided by myself.”. (shrink)

From David Brat, the college professor who made political headlines when he unseated Majority Leader Eric Cantor, comes his plan for restoring fiscal liberty for America. Congressman David Brat's odds-defying win against Eric Cantor--a triumph of a modest $200,000 campaign fund against a $5 million war chest--immediately brought David Brat, heretofore a liberal arts college economics professor, into the political limelight. Now, in his first book, AMERICAN UNDERDOG, Brat examines how we brought down the status quo by tapping into moral (...) and economic lessons as old as our civilization and discusses how Washington can learn from history instead of ignoring it. A fighter for children, he illuminates how our current fiscal policies are selling their future, and outlines new ways to move forward with a conservative agenda that provides fairer treatment for all. (shrink)