Results for 'political legitimacy'

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  1. Is the ‘Hate’ in Hate Speech the ‘Hate’ in Hate Crime? Waldron and Dworkin on Political Legitimacy.Rebecca Ruth Gould - 2019 - Jurisprudence 10 (2):171-187.
  2.  74
    CSR-Based Political Legitimacy Strategy: Managing the State by Doing Good in China and Russia. [REVIEW]Meng Zhao - 2012 - Journal of Business Ethics 111 (4):439-460.
    The state is a key driver of corporate social responsibility across developed and developing countries. But the existing research provides comparatively little knowledge about: (1) how companies strategically manage the relationship with the state through corporate social responsibility (CSR); (2) how this strategy takes shape under the influence of political institutions. Understanding these questions captures a realistic picture of how a company applies CSR to interacting with the state, particularly in countries where the state relationship is critical to the (...)
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  3. Political Legitimacy in Decisions About Experiments in Solar Radiation Management.David R. Morrow, Robert E. Kopp & Michael Oppenheimer - 2013 - In William C. G. Burns & Andrew Strauss (eds.), Climate Change Geoengineering: Philosophical Perspectives, Legal Issues, and Governance Frameworks. Cambridge University Press.
    Some types of solar radiation management (SRM) research are ethically problematic because they expose persons, animals, and ecosystems to significant risks. In our earlier work, we argued for ethical norms for SRM research based on norms for biomedical research. Biomedical researchers may not conduct research on persons without their consent, but universal consent is impractical for SRM research. We argue that instead of requiring universal consent, ethical norms for SRM research require only political legitimacy in decision-making about global (...)
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  4. The Abdication of King Kuai of Yan and the Issue of Political Legitimacy in the Warring States Period.Keqian Xu - 2008 - Journal of School of Chinese Language and Culture 2008 (3).
    The event that King Kuai of Yan demised the crown to his premier Zizhi, is a tentative way of political power transmission happened in the social transforming Warring States Period, which was influenced by the popular theory of Yao and Shun’s demise of that time. However, this tentative was obviously a failure, coming under attacks from all Confucian, Taoist and Legalist scholars. We may understand the development of the thinking concerning the issue of political legitimacy during the (...)
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  5.  11
    Democratizing Global ‘Bodies Politic’: Collective Agency, Political Legitimacy, and the Democratic Boundary Problem.Terry Macdonald - 2018 - Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2).
    This article outlines a new approach to answering the foundational question in democratic theory of how the boundaries of democratic political units should be delineated. Whereas democratic theorists have mostly focused on identifying the appropriate population-group – or demos – for democratic decisionmaking, it is argued here that we should also take account of considerations relating to the appropriate scope of a democratic unit’s institutionalized governance capabilities – or public power. These matter because democratically legitimate governance is produced not (...)
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  6.  8
    Democratizing Global ‘Bodies Politic’: Collective Agency, Political Legitimacy, and the Democratic Boundary Problem.Terry Macdonald - 2017 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2).
    This article outlines a new approach to answering the foundational question in democratic theory of how the boundaries of democratic political units should be delineated. Whereas democratic theorists have mostly focused on identifying the appropriate population-group – or demos – for democratic decisionmaking, it is argued here that we should also take account of considerations relating to the appropriate scope of a democratic unit’s institutionalized governance capabilities – or public power. These matter because democratically legitimate governance is produced not (...)
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  7.  15
    Indirect Instrumentalism About Political Legitimacy.Matthias Brinkmann - 2019 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 6 (1):175-202.
    Political instrumentalism claims that the right to rule should be distributed such that justice is promoted best. Building on a distinction made by consequentialists in moral philosophy, I argue that instrumentalists should distinguish two levels of normative thinking about legitimacy, the critical and applied level. An indirect instrumentalism which acknowledges this distinction has significant advantages over simpler forms of instrumentalism that do not.
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  8. On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism.Thomas M. Besch - 2013 - Public Reason 5 (1):58-74.
    The paper advances a non-orthodox reading of political liberalism’s view of political legitimacy, the view of public political justification that comes with it, and the idea of the reasonable at the heart of these views. Political liberalism entails that full discursive standing should be accorded only to people who are reasonable in a substantive sense. As the paper argues, this renders political liberalism dogmatic and exclusivist at the level of arguments for or against normative (...)
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  9. Political Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2010 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
    Political legitimacy is a virtue of political institutions and of the decisions—about laws, policies, and candidates for political office—made within them. This entry will survey the main answers that have been given to the following questions. First, how should legitimacy be defined? Is it primarily a descriptive or a normative concept? If legitimacy is understood normatively, what does it entail? Some associate legitimacy with the justification of coercive power and with the creation of (...)
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  10. In Defense of Discretionary Association Theories of Political Legitimacy: Reply to Buchanan.Marcus Arvan - 2009 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy (2):1-6.
    Allen Buchanan has argued that a widely defended view of the nature of the state – the view that the state is a discretionary association for the mutual advantage of its members – must be rejected because it cannot adequately account for moral requirements of humanitarian intervention. This paper argues that Buchanan’s objection is unsuccessful,and moreover, that discretionary association theories can preserve an important distinction that Buchanan’s alternative approach to political legitimacy cannot: the distinction between “internal” legitimacy (...)
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  11. Self-Direction and Political Legitimacy: Rousseau and Herder.F. M. Barnard - 1988 - Oxford University.
    Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) has been called the German Rousseau. Yet while Rousseau is recognized as a political thinker, Herder is not. This book explores each thinker's ideas--on nature and culture, selfhood and mutuality, paternalism, freedom, and autonomy--and compares their conceptions of legitimate statehood. Arguing that the crux of political legitimacy for both men was the possibility of "extended selfhood," Barnard shows that Herder, like Rousseau, profoundly altered human self-understandings, thus influencing modes of justifying political allegiance.
     
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  12. Justice, Legitimacy, and (Normative) Authority for Political Realists.Enzo Rossi - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):149-164.
    One of the main challenges faced by realists in political philosophy is that of offering an account of authority that is genuinely normative and yet does not consist of a moralistic application of general, abstract ethical principles to the practice of politics. Political moralists typically start by devising a conception of justice based on their pre-political moral commitments; authority would then be legitimate only if political power is exercised in accordance with justice. As an alternative to (...)
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  13. Farewell to Political Obligation: In Defense of a Permissive Conception of Legitimacy.Jiafeng Zhu - 2015 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 96 (3).
    In the recent debate on political legitimacy, we have seen the emergence of a revisionist camp, advocating the idea of ‘legitimacy without political obligation,’ as opposed to the traditional view that political obligation is necessary for state legitimacy. The revisionist idea of legitimacy is appealing because if it stands, the widespread skepticism about the existence of political obligation will not lead us to conclude that the state is illegitimate. Unfortunately, existing conceptions of (...)
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  14.  41
    Political Legitimacy Under Epistemic Constraints : Why Public Reasons Matter.Fabienne Peter - forthcoming - In Melissa Schwartzberg (ed.), Political Legitimacy.
    My aim in this paper is to provide an epistemological argument for why public reasons matter for political legitimacy. A key feature of the public reason conception of legitimacy is that political decisions must be justified to the citizens. Critics of the public reason conception, by contrast, argue that political legitimacy depends on justification simpliciter. Another way to put the point is that the critics of the public reason conception take the justification of (...) decisions to be based on reasons that are agreement-independent. I call such reasons objective reasons. Public reasons are, however, agreement-dependent. The debate between defenders and critics of a public reason conception of political legitimacy focuses on whether objective reasons or public reasons are the right basis for the justification of political decisions. My defense of the public reason conception will grant to its critics that there are objective reasons and allow that such reasons can affect the legitimacy of political decisions. But I will show, focusing on epistemic constraints on the justification of political decisions, that it does not follow that the justification of those decisions is necessarily agreement-independent. In the epistemic circumstances that are typical of political life, public reasons will be required for the justification of political decisions. (shrink)
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  15.  64
    Divide and Rule Better: On Subsidiarity, Legitimacy and the Epistemic Aim of Political Decision-Making.Yann Allard‐Tremblay - 2017 - Journal of Applied Philosophy.
    How should a political society be structured so as to legitimately distribute political power? One principle advanced to answer this question is the principle of subsidiarity. According to this principle, the default locus of political power is with the lowest competent political unit. This article argues that subsidiarity is a structural principle of a conception of political legitimacy informed by epistemic considerations. Broadly, the argument is that political societies organised according to the principle (...)
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  16.  16
    Political Legitimacy and Research Ethics.Maxwell J. Smith & Daniel Weinstock - 2019 - Bioethics 33 (3):312-318.
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  17.  40
    Language and Legitimacy: Is Pragmatist Political Theory Fallacious?Thomas Fossen - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (2):293-305.
    Eva Erman and Niklas Möller have recently criticised a range of political theorists for committing a pragmatistic fallacy, illicitly drawing normative conclusions from politically neutral ideas abo...
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  18. Legitimacy and Consensus in Rawls' Political Liberalism.Enzo Rossi - 2014 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica 27:37-56.
    In this paper I analyze the theory of legitimacy at the core of John Rawls’ political liberalism. Rawls argues that a political system is well grounded when it is stable. This notion of stability embodies both pragmatic and moral elements, each of which constitutes a key desideratum of Rawlsian liberal legitimacy. But those desiderata are in tension with each other. My main claim is that Rawls’ strategy to overcome that tension through his theory of public justification (...)
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  19.  60
    Political Legitimacy Without a (Claim-) Right to Rule.Merten Reglitz - 2015 - Res Publica 21 (3): 291-307.
    In the contemporary philosophical literature, political legitimacy is often identified with a right to rule. However, this term is problematic. First, if we accept an interest theory of rights, it often remains unclear whose interests justify a right to rule : either the interest of the holders of this right to rule or the interests of those subject to the authority. And second, if we analyse the right to rule in terms of Wesley Hohfeld’s characterization of rights, we (...)
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  20.  10
    Modus Vivendi Liberalism, Practice-Dependence and Political Legitimacy.Valentina Gentile - 2018 - Biblioteca Della Libertà (222):1-21.
    Contemporary political theory is characterised by a realistic critique of liberalism. Realist theorising is seen as avoiding foundational disagreements about justice mutating into second-order disputes concerning the justifiability of legitimate political institutions. In this sense, the realist critique challenges a key aspect of Rawls’ liberal project – that is, its justificatory constituency. McCabe’s Modus Vivendi Liberalism presents an interesting case of such a critique. Given the condition of deep pluralism that characterizes contemporary democracies, the liberal Justificatory Requirement (JR) (...)
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  21.  20
    The Priority of Legitimacy in Times of Political Transition.Michael Buckley - 2013 - Human Rights Review 14 (4):327-345.
    This paper interprets the relation between justice and legitimacy found in John Rawls's Political Liberalism and then applies it to the field of transitional justice. The author argues that transitional mechanisms can be better defended in terms of “legitimacy” than in “justice,” because the circumstances of transitional justice admit of reasonable disagreement over “just” public policy. In such circumstances, policy recommendations can always be construed as falling short of justice, thus raising plausible concerns over their normative justification. (...)
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  22. The Rights of the Guilty: Punishment and Political Legitimacy.Corey Brettschneider - 2007 - Political Theory 35 (2):175-199.
    In this essay I develop and defend a theory of state punishment within a wider conception of political legitimacy. While many moral theories of punishment focus on what is deserved by criminals, I theorize punishment within the specific context of the state's relationship to its citizens. Central to my account is Rawls's “liberal principle of legitimacy,” which requires that all state coercion be justifiable to all citizens. I extend this idea to the justification of political coercion (...)
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  23. Political Legitimacy, Justice and Consent.John Horton - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):129-148.
    What is it for a state, constitution or set of governmental institutions to have political legitimacy? This paper raises some doubts about two broadly liberal answers to this question, which can be labelled ?Kantian? and ?libertarian?. The argument focuses in particular on the relationship between legitimacy and principles of justice and on the place of consent. By contrast with these views, I suggest that, without endorsing the kind of voluntarist theory, according to which political legitimacy (...)
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  24.  37
    Global Public Power: Thesubjectof Principles of Global Political Legitimacy.Andrew Hurrell & Terry Macdonald - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (5):553-571.
    This paper elaborates the concept of global public power as the subject of principles of political legitimacy in global politics, and defends it through a critical comparison with other concepts widely employed to depict this regulative subject: states, global basic structure, and global governance. The goal underlying this argument is to bring some greater unity and integration to conceptual understandings of the subject of principles of political legitimacy within analyses of global politics, and in doing so (...)
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  25.  21
    Political Legitimacy in International Border Governance Institutions.Terry Macdonald - 2015 - European Journal of Political Theory 14 (4):409-428.
    In this article, I address the question: what kind of normative principles should regulate the governance processes through which migration across international borders is managed? I begin by contrasting two distinct categories of normative controversy relating to this question. The first is a familiar set of moral controversies about justice within border governance, concerning what I call the ethics of exclusion. The second is a more theoretically neglected set of normative controversies about how institutional capacity for well functioning border governance (...)
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  26. Kant's Non-Absolutist Conception of Political Legitimacy –– How Public Right ‘‘Concludes’’ Private Right in the ““Doctrine of Right””.Helga Varden - 2010 - Kant-Studien 101 (3):331-351.
    Contrary to the received view, I argue that Kant, in the “Doctrine of Right”, outlines a third, republican alternative to absolutist and voluntarist conceptions of political legitimacy. According to this republican alternative, a state must meet certain institutional requirements before political obligations arise. An important result of this interpretation is not only that there are institutional restraints on a legitimate state's use of coercion, but also that the rights of the state are not in principle reducible to (...)
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  27.  32
    Fact-Dependent Policy Disagreements and Political Legitimacy.Klemens Kappel - 2017 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 20 (2):313-331.
    Suppose we have a persistent disagreement about a particular set of policy options, not because of an underlying moral disagreement, or a mere conflict of interest, but rather because we disagree about a crucial non-normative factual assumption underlying the justification of the policy choices. The main question in the paper is what political legitimacy requires in such cases, or indeed whether there are defensible answers to that question. The problem of political legitimacy in fact-dependent policy disagreements (...)
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  28.  22
    Legitimacy Without Liberalism: A Defense of Max Weber’s Standard of Political Legitimacy.Amanda R. Greene - 2017 - Analyse & Kritik 39 (2).
    In this paper I defend Max Weber's concept of political legitimacy as a standard for the moral evaluation of states. On this view, a state is legitimate when its subjects regard it as having a valid claim to exercise power and authority. Weber’s analysis of legitimacy is often assumed to be merely descriptive, but I argue that Weberian legitimacy has moral significance because it indicates that political stability has been secured on the basis of civic (...)
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  29.  66
    Samaritanism and Political Legitimacy.Candice Delmas - 2014 - Analysis 74 (2):254-262.
    On Christopher H. Wellman’s Samaritan account of political legitimacy, the state is justified in coercing its subjects because doing so is necessary to rescue them from the perils of the state of nature. Samaritanism – the principle that we are morally permitted to do what is necessary to rescue someone from serious peril if in doing so we do not impose unreasonable costs on others – only justifies a minimal state, in Wellman’s view. I argue contra Wellman that (...)
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  30.  5
    From the Moral to the Political: The Question of Political Legitimacy in Non-Western Societies.David M. Rasmussen - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 43 (4-5):430-441.
    This article focuses on the problem of political legitimacy: first, by finding it to be the driving force in the Rawlsian paradigm moving from a focus on the moral to one on the political; second, with the help of a consideration of multiple-modernities theory, by arguing for a version of political liberalism freed of its western framework; and third, by applying that framework to current debates over the meaning of democracy in a Confucian context.
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  31.  21
    The Political Legitimacy of Retribution: Two Reasons for Skepticism.Benjamin Ewing - 2015 - Law and Philosophy 34 (4):369-396.
    Retributivism is often portrayed as a rights-respecting alternative to consequentialist justifications of punishment. However, I argue that the political legitimacy of retribution is doubtful precisely because retribution privileges a controversial conception of the good over citizens’ rights and more widely shared, publicly accessible interests. First, even if retribution is valuable, the best accounts of its value fail to show that it can override or partially nullify offenders’ rights to the fundamental forms of liberty of which criminal punishment paradigmatically (...)
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  32.  62
    Political Legitimacy, the Egalitarian Challenge, and Democracy.Dean J. Machin - 2012 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 29 (2):101-117.
    This article argues against the claim that democracy is a necessary condition of political legitimacy. Instead, I propose a weaker set of conditions. First, I explain the case for the necessity of democracy. This is that only democracy can address the ‘egalitarian challenge’, i.e. ‘if we are all equal, why should only some of us wield political power?’. I show that if democracy really is a necessary condition of political legitimacy, then (what I label) the (...)
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  33.  51
    The Inseparability Thesis: Why Political Legitimacy Entails Political Obligations.Jason Wyckoff - 2010 - Southwest Philosophy Review 26 (1):51-59.
    Several noted political theorists have argued that a state can be legitimate even if it does not generate in its citizens an obligation to obey the law. I argue that this claim is false. All plausible analyses of political legitimacy either build in the concept of political obligation, or else incorporate claims that require some account of political obligation. In either case, political legitimacy is possible only when a state successfully generates in its (...)
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  34. On the Value of Political Legitimacy.M. Coakley - 2011 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (4):345-369.
    Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that (...)
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  35.  27
    The Political Legitimacy of Global Governance and the Proper Role of Civil Society Actors.Eva Erman - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (1):133-155.
    In this paper, two claims are made. The main claim is that a fruitful approach for theorizing the political legitimacy of global governance and the proper normative role of civil society actors is the so-called ‘function-sensitive’ approach. The underlying idea of this approach is that the demands of legitimacy may vary depending on function and the relationship between functions. Within this function-sensitive framework, six functions in global governance are analyzed and six principles of legitimacy defended, together (...)
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  36. Hegel's Standards of Political Legitimacy.Kenneth Westphal - 2002 - Jahrbuch für Recht Und Ethik/Annual Review of Law and Ethics 10:307-320.
    This critical review article on Frederick Neuhouser, The Foundations of Hegel’s Social Theory, examines in detail Hegel’s standards of political legitimacy, according to which social institutions are justified only by their roles in facilitating human freedom in its three basic forms: personal, moral, and social. Social freedom involves both ‘objective’ institutional requirements and ‘subjective’ aspects of personal understanding and endorsement of institutions so far as they fill their requirements. This includes rational, critical assessment of social institutions, and their (...)
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  37.  21
    Addressing Educational Accountability and Political Legitimacy with Citizen Responsibility.Sarah M. Stitzlein - 2015 - Educational Theory 65 (5):563-580.
    In this essay, Sarah Stitzlein addresses a key current crisis in public education: accountability. Rather than centrally being about poor performance of teachers or inefficiency of schools, as we most often hear in media outlets and in education reform speeches, Stitzlein argues the crisis is at heart one about citizen responsibility and political legitimacy. She claims that the recent accountability movement has shifted the onus of curing society's problems almost exclusively onto schools, but contends that these burdens should (...)
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  38.  29
    Will and Political Legitimacy: A Critical Exposition of Social Contract Theory in Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel.Peter G. Stillman - 1986 - The Owl of Minerva 17 (2):217-219.
    In Will and Political Legitimacy, Patrick Riley explores the related nexus of some core modern political concepts - will, legitimacy, consent, and social contract - in five major philosophers: Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel, devoting a chapter to each. He introduces the book with a chapter discussing how coherent the social contract tradition is, and concludes with some reflections on the five philosophers and their relation to contemporary political thought. Riley presents his reader with (...)
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  39.  9
    Will and Political Legitimacy: A Critical Exposition of Social Contract Theory in Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel. [REVIEW]Peter G. Stillman - 1986 - The Owl of Minerva 17 (2):217-219.
    In Will and Political Legitimacy, Patrick Riley explores the related nexus of some core modern political concepts - will, legitimacy, consent, and social contract - in five major philosophers: Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel, devoting a chapter to each. He introduces the book with a chapter discussing how coherent the social contract tradition is, and concludes with some reflections on the five philosophers and their relation to contemporary political thought. Riley presents his reader with (...)
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  40.  8
    Rethinking Religion and Political Legitimacy Across the Islam–West Divide.Nader Hashemi - 2014 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 40 (4-5):439-447.
    The relationship between religion and politics is a bone of political contention and a source of deep confusion across the Islam–West divide. When most western liberals cast their gaze on Muslim societies today, what they see is deeply disconcerting. From their perspective there is simply too much religion in public life in the Arab-Islamic world, which raises serious questions for them about the prospects for democracy in this part of the world. This article critically explores the relationship between religion (...)
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  41.  72
    Political Legitimacy and the Duty to Obey the Law.Patrick Durning - 2003 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 33 (3):373 - 389.
    A growing number of political and legal theorists deny that there is a widespread duty to obey the law. This has lent a sense of urgency to recent disagreements about whether a state’s legitimacy depends upon its ‘subjects” having a duty to obey the law. On one side of the disagreement, John Simmons, Robert Paul Wolff, David Copp, Hannah Pitkin, Leslie Green, George Klosko, and Joseph Raz hold that a state could only be legitimate if the vast majority (...)
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  42. Taking Stances, Contesting Commitments: Political Legitimacy and the Pragmatic Turn.Thomas Fossen - 2013 - Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (1):426-450.
  43.  24
    Tyranny and Legitimacy: A Critique of Political Theories.James S. Fishkin - 1979 - Philosophical Review 90 (2):321-324.
  44.  31
    Unraveling the Enigma of Indira Gandhi’s Rise in Indian Politics: A Woman Leader’s Quest for Political Legitimacy.Sourabh Singh - 2012 - Theory and Society 41 (5):479-504.
  45.  63
    Secularism, Equality, and Political Legitimacy.Jon Mahoney - 2010 - Journal of Value Inquiry 44 (1):17-30.
  46.  23
    Pluralism and Political Legitimacy.Andrew F. Smith - 2003 - Social Philosophy Today 19:155-177.
    In recent writings, both John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas address how to ensure that all reasonable citizens have the capacity to live a good life when there exist in modern society a wide variety of competing conceptions thereof. Yet, according to James Bohman, both thinkers in fact fail to resolve this “dilemma of the good.” He offers a deliberative conception of democracy intended to make up for their shortcomings. I argue, however, that Bohman’s conception covertly relies upon moderately perfectionist values (...)
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  47.  5
    Pluralism and Political Legitimacy: Toward a Perfectionist Defense of Deliberative Democracy.Andrew F. Smith - 2003 - Social Philosophy Today 19:155-177.
    In recent writings, both John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas address how to ensure that all reasonable citizens have the capacity to live a good life when there exist in modern society a wide variety of competing conceptions thereof. Yet, according to James Bohman, both thinkers in fact fail to resolve this “dilemma of the good.” He offers a deliberative conception of democracy intended to make up for their shortcomings. I argue, however, that Bohman’s conception covertly relies upon moderately perfectionist values (...)
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  48. Political Legitimacy in the Real Normative World: The Priority of Morality and the Autonomy of the Political.Eva Erman & Niklas Möller - 2015 - British Journal of Political Science 45 (1):215-233.
  49.  6
    Institutional Facts and Principles of Global Political Legitimacy.Terry Macdonald - 2016 - Journal of International Political Theory 12 (2):134-151.
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  50. Legitimacy, Democracy and Public Justification: Rawls' Political Liberalism Versus Gaus' Justificatory Liberalism.Enzo Rossi - 2014 - Res Publica 20 (1):9-25.
    Public justification-based accounts of liberal legitimacy rely on the idea that a polity’s basic structure should, in some sense, be acceptable to its citizens. In this paper I discuss the prospects of that approach through the lens of Gerald Gaus’ critique of John Rawls’ paradigmatic account of democratic public justification. I argue that Gaus does succeed in pointing out some significant problems for Rawls’ political liberalism; yet his alternative, justificatory liberalism, is not voluntaristic enough to satisfy the desiderata (...)
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