Results for 'political legitimacy'

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  1. Political Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2010 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
    Political legitimacy is a virtue of political institutions and of the decisions—about laws, policies, and candidates for political office—made within them. This entry will survey the main answers that have been given to the following questions. First, how should legitimacy be defined? Is it primarily a descriptive or a normative concept? If legitimacy is understood normatively, what does it entail? Some associate legitimacy with the justification of coercive power and with the creation of (...)
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  2. Political Legitimacy as a Problem of Judgment.Thomas Fossen - 2022 - Social Theory and Practice 48 (1):89-113.
    This paper examines the differences between moralist, realist, and pragmatist approaches to political legitimacy by articulating their largely implicit views of judgment. Three claims are advanced. First, the salient opposition among approaches to legitimacy is not between “moralism” and “realism.” Recent realist proposals for rethinking legitimacy share with moralist views a distinctive form, called “normativism”: a quest for knowledge of principles that solve the question of legitimacy. This assumes that judging legitimacy is a matter (...)
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  3. Global Political Legitimacy and the Structural Power of Capital.Ugur Aytac - 2022 - Journal of Social Philosophy.
    In contemporary democracies, global capitalism exerts a significant influence over how state power is exercised, raising questions about where political power resides in global politics. This question is important, since our specific considerations about justifiability of political power, i.e. political legitimacy, depend on how we characterize political power at the global level. As a partial answer to this question, I argue that our notion of global political legitimacy should be reoriented to include the (...)
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  4. Political Legitimacy, Justice and Consent.John Horton - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):129-148.
    What is it for a state, constitution or set of governmental institutions to have political legitimacy? This paper raises some doubts about two broadly liberal answers to this question, which can be labelled ?Kantian? and ?libertarian?. The argument focuses in particular on the relationship between legitimacy and principles of justice and on the place of consent. By contrast with these views, I suggest that, without endorsing the kind of voluntarist theory, according to which political legitimacy (...)
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  5. On Political Legitimacy, Reasonableness, and Perfectionism.Thomas M. Besch - 2013 - Public Reason 5 (1):58-74.
    The paper advances a non-orthodox reading of political liberalism’s view of political legitimacy, the view of public political justification that comes with it, and the idea of the reasonable at the heart of these views. Political liberalism entails that full discursive standing should be accorded only to people who are reasonable in a substantive sense. As the paper argues, this renders political liberalism dogmatic and exclusivist at the level of arguments for or against normative (...)
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  6. Political Legitimacy as an Existential Predicament.Thomas Fossen - 2022 - Political Theory 50 (4):621-645.
    This essay contributes to developing a new approach to political legitimacy by asking what is involved in judging the legitimacy of a regime from a practical point of view. It is focused on one aspect of this question: the role of identity in such judgment. I examine three ways of understanding the significance of identity for political legitimacy: the foundational, associative, and agonistic picture. Neither view, I claim, persuasively captures the dilemmas of judgment in the (...)
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  7. Political Legitimacy and Democracy.Allen Buchanan - 2002 - Ethics 112 (4):689-719.
  8. Political Legitimacy in Decisions About Experiments in Solar Radiation Management.David R. Morrow, Robert E. Kopp & Michael Oppenheimer - 2013 - In William C. G. Burns & Andrew Strauss (eds.), Climate Change Geoengineering: Philosophical Perspectives, Legal Issues, and Governance Frameworks. Cambridge University Press.
    Some types of solar radiation management (SRM) research are ethically problematic because they expose persons, animals, and ecosystems to significant risks. In our earlier work, we argued for ethical norms for SRM research based on norms for biomedical research. Biomedical researchers may not conduct research on persons without their consent, but universal consent is impractical for SRM research. We argue that instead of requiring universal consent, ethical norms for SRM research require only political legitimacy in decision-making about global (...)
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  9. Political Legitimacy, Authoritarianism, and Climate Change.Ross Mittiga - forthcoming - American Political Science Review.
    Is authoritarian power ever legitimate? The contemporary political theory literature—which largely conceptualizes legitimacy in terms of democracy or basic rights—would seem to suggest not. I argue, however, that there exists another, overlooked aspect of legitimacy concerning a government’s ability to ensure safety and security. While, under normal conditions, maintaining democracy and rights is typically compatible with guaranteeing safety, in emergency situations, conflicts between these two aspects of legitimacy can and often do arise. A salient example of (...)
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  10. Political Legitimacy in the Real Normative World: The Priority of Morality and the Autonomy of the Political.Eva Erman & Niklas Möller - 2015 - British Journal of Political Science 45 (1):215-233.
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    Political Legitimacy Without a (Claim-) Right to Rule.Merten Reglitz - 2015 - Res Publica 21 (3): 291-307.
    In the contemporary philosophical literature, political legitimacy is often identified with a right to rule. However, this term is problematic. First, if we accept an interest theory of rights, it often remains unclear whose interests justify a right to rule : either the interest of the holders of this right to rule or the interests of those subject to the authority. And second, if we analyse the right to rule in terms of Wesley Hohfeld’s characterization of rights, we (...)
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  12. Pluralising Political Legitimacy.Duncan Ivison - 2018 - Postcolonial Studies 20 (1):118-130.
    Does the Australian state exercise legitimate power over the indigenous peoples within its borders? To say that the state’s political decisions are legitimate is to say that it has the right to impose those decisions on indigenous peoples and that they have a (at least a prima facie) duty to obey. In this paper, I consider the general normative frameworks within which these questions are often grasped in contemporary political theory. Two dominant modes of dealing with political (...)
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  13. CSR-Based Political Legitimacy Strategy: Managing the State by Doing Good in China and Russia. [REVIEW]Meng Zhao - 2012 - Journal of Business Ethics 111 (4):439-460.
    The state is a key driver of corporate social responsibility across developed and developing countries. But the existing research provides comparatively little knowledge about: (1) how companies strategically manage the relationship with the state through corporate social responsibility (CSR); (2) how this strategy takes shape under the influence of political institutions. Understanding these questions captures a realistic picture of how a company applies CSR to interacting with the state, particularly in countries where the state relationship is critical to the (...)
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  14.  82
    Political Legitimacy Under Epistemic Constraints : Why Public Reasons Matter.Fabienne Peter - 2019 - In Jack Knight & Melissa Schwartzberg (eds.), NOMOS LXI: Political Legitimacy. New York: NYU Press.
    My aim in this paper is to provide an epistemological argument for why public reasons matter for political legitimacy. A key feature of the public reason conception of legitimacy is that political decisions must be justified to the citizens. Critics of the public reason conception, by contrast, argue that political legitimacy depends on justification simpliciter. Another way to put the point is that the critics of the public reason conception take the justification of (...) decisions to be based on reasons that are agreement-independent. I call such reasons objective reasons. Public reasons are, however, agreement-dependent. The debate between defenders and critics of a public reason conception of political legitimacy focuses on whether objective reasons or public reasons are the right basis for the justification of political decisions. My defense of the public reason conception will grant to its critics that there are objective reasons and allow that such reasons can affect the legitimacy of political decisions. But I will show, focusing on epistemic constraints on the justification of political decisions, that it does not follow that the justification of those decisions is necessarily agreement-independent. In the epistemic circumstances that are typical of political life, public reasons will be required for the justification of political decisions. (shrink)
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  15.  47
    The Grounds of Political Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2020 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 6 (3):372-390.
    The debate over rival conceptions of political legitimacy tends to focus on first-order considerations—for example, on the relative importance of procedural and substantive values. In this essay, I argue that there is an important, but often overlooked, distinction among rival conceptions of political legitimacy that originates at the meta-normative level. This distinction, which cuts across the distinctions drawn at the first-order level, concerns the source of the normativity of political legitimacy, or, as I refer (...)
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  16. Political Legitimacy for Our World: Where is Political Realism Going?Eva Erman - 2018 - Journal of Politics 80 (2):525-538.
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  17.  11
    Political Legitimacy in the Democratic View: The Case of Climate Services.Greg Lusk - 2020 - Philosophy of Science 87 (5):991-1002.
    Wendy S. Parker and I have advanced an inductive-risk approach to the provision of climate information that relies on the contextual values of information users. This approach aims to improve the e...
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  18. Moral Conflict and Political Legitimacy.Thomas Nagel - 1987 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 16 (3):215-240.
  19.  26
    The Political Legitimacy of Retribution: Two Reasons for Skepticism.Benjamin Ewing - 2015 - Law and Philosophy 34 (4):369-396.
    Retributivism is often portrayed as a rights-respecting alternative to consequentialist justifications of punishment. However, I argue that the political legitimacy of retribution is doubtful precisely because retribution privileges a controversial conception of the good over citizens’ rights and more widely shared, publicly accessible interests. First, even if retribution is valuable, the best accounts of its value fail to show that it can override or partially nullify offenders’ rights to the fundamental forms of liberty of which criminal punishment paradigmatically (...)
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  20. Global Political Legitimacy Beyond Justice and Democracy?Eva Erman - 2016 - International Theory 8 (1).
     
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  21.  67
    Political Legitimacy, the Egalitarian Challenge, and Democracy.Dean J. Machin - 2012 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 29 (2):101-117.
    This article argues against the claim that democracy is a necessary condition of political legitimacy. Instead, I propose a weaker set of conditions. First, I explain the case for the necessity of democracy. This is that only democracy can address the ‘egalitarian challenge’, i.e. ‘if we are all equal, why should only some of us wield political power?’. I show that if democracy really is a necessary condition of political legitimacy, then (what I label) the (...)
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  22.  51
    Political Legitimacy: A Theoretical Approach Between Facts and Norms.Chris Thornhill - 2011 - Constellations 18 (2):135-169.
  23.  78
    Political Legitimacy and the Duty to Obey the Law.Patrick Durning - 2003 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 33 (3):373 - 389.
    A growing number of political and legal theorists deny that there is a widespread duty to obey the law. This has lent a sense of urgency to recent disagreements about whether a state’s legitimacy depends upon its ‘subjects” having a duty to obey the law. On one side of the disagreement, John Simmons, Robert Paul Wolff, David Copp, Hannah Pitkin, Leslie Green, George Klosko, and Joseph Raz hold that a state could only be legitimate if the vast majority (...)
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  24. Taking Stances, Contesting Commitments: Political Legitimacy and the Pragmatic Turn.Thomas Fossen - 2013 - Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (1):426-450.
  25.  33
    Geoengineering, Political Legitimacy and Justice.Stephen M. Gardiner & Augustin Fragnière - 2018 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 21 (3):265-269.
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    Democratic Dictatorship: Political Legitimacy in Marxist Perspective.Lea Ypi - 2020 - European Journal of Philosophy 28 (2):277-291.
    European Journal of Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  27. Modus Vivendi and Political Legitimacy.John Horton - 2018 - In John Horton, Manon Westphal & Ulrich Willems (eds.), The Political Theory of Modus Vivendi. Springer Verlag. pp. 131-148.
    In this paper I seek to explore how the idea of modus vivendi might help us to understand political legitimacy. A suitable conception of modus vivendi, I suggest, can represent a way of underpinning a viable and attractive account of political legitimacy. On my account a modus vivendi is basically a set of arrangements that are accepted as basis for conducting affairs by those who are party to them. Political legitimacy, I argue, is ultimately (...)
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  28.  35
    The Political Legitimacy of Global Governance and the Proper Role of Civil Society Actors.Eva Erman - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (1):133-155.
    In this paper, two claims are made. The main claim is that a fruitful approach for theorizing the political legitimacy of global governance and the proper normative role of civil society actors is the so-called ‘function-sensitive’ approach. The underlying idea of this approach is that the demands of legitimacy may vary depending on function and the relationship between functions. Within this function-sensitive framework, six functions in global governance are analyzed and six principles of legitimacy defended, together (...)
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  29. Liberalism, Samaritanism, and Political Legitimacy.Christopher Heath Wellman - 1996 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 25 (3):211-237.
  30.  21
    Political Legitimacy and Research Ethics.Maxwell J. Smith & Daniel Weinstock - 2019 - Bioethics 33 (3):312-318.
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  31.  24
    Political Legitimacy in International Border Governance Institutions.Terry Macdonald - 2015 - European Journal of Political Theory 14 (4):409-428.
    In this article, I address the question: what kind of normative principles should regulate the governance processes through which migration across international borders is managed? I begin by contrasting two distinct categories of normative controversy relating to this question. The first is a familiar set of moral controversies about justice within border governance, concerning what I call the ethics of exclusion. The second is a more theoretically neglected set of normative controversies about how institutional capacity for well functioning border governance (...)
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  32.  42
    Political Legitimacy and Islam in the Ottoman Empire: Lessons Learned.Karen Barkey - 2014 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 40 (4-5):469-477.
    This article explores the role of religion in Ottoman political legitimation. It shows that the Ottoman rulers were interested in a much more expansive, diverse form of political legitimation that included Islamic religious legitimation, but also used toleration and sultanic law to construct a more capacious form of political legitimation that included Muslim and non-Muslim populations of the empire.
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  33.  17
    Political Legitimacy.Paul Patton - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (6):661-668.
  34.  7
    Self-Direction and Political Legitimacy: Rousseau and Herder.Frederick M. Barnard - 1988 - Oxford University.
    Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) has been called the German Rousseau. Yet while Rousseau is recognized as a political thinker, Herder is not. This book explores each thinker's ideas--on nature and culture, selfhood and mutuality, paternalism, freedom, and autonomy--and compares their conceptions of legitimate statehood. Arguing that the crux of political legitimacy for both men was the possibility of "extended selfhood," Barnard shows that Herder, like Rousseau, profoundly altered human self-understandings, thus influencing modes of justifying political allegiance.
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  35. Liberalism, Political Legitimacy, and Samaritanism.Christopher Wellman - 1996 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 25 (3):211-237.
  36.  42
    Will and Political Legitimacy : A Critical Exposition of Social Contract Theory in Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel.Patrick Riley (ed.) - 2000 - Replica Books.
    Presents an historical analysis of social contract theory by considering the works of prominent philosophers.
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  37.  98
    Samaritanism and Political Legitimacy.Candice Delmas - 2014 - Analysis 74 (2):254-262.
    On Christopher H. Wellman’s Samaritan account of political legitimacy, the state is justified in coercing its subjects because doing so is necessary to rescue them from the perils of the state of nature. Samaritanism – the principle that we are morally permitted to do what is necessary to rescue someone from serious peril if in doing so we do not impose unreasonable costs on others – only justifies a minimal state, in Wellman’s view. I argue contra Wellman that (...)
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  38.  38
    Political Legitimacy and Discourse Ethics.Douglas B. Rasmussen - 1992 - International Philosophical Quarterly 32 (1):17-34.
  39.  55
    The Inseparability Thesis: Why Political Legitimacy Entails Political Obligations.Jason Wyckoff - 2010 - Southwest Philosophy Review 26 (1):51-59.
    Several noted political theorists have argued that a state can be legitimate even if it does not generate in its citizens an obligation to obey the law. I argue that this claim is false. All plausible analyses of political legitimacy either build in the concept of political obligation, or else incorporate claims that require some account of political obligation. In either case, political legitimacy is possible only when a state successfully generates in its (...)
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  40.  10
    The Intransparency of Political Legitimacy.Matthias Brinkmann - forthcoming - Philosophers' Imprint.
    Some moral value is transparent just in case an agent with average mental capacities can feasibly come to know whether some entity does, or does not, possess that value. In this paper, I consider whether legitimacy—that is, the property of exercises of political power to be permissible—is transparent. Implicit in much theorising about legitimacy is the idea that it is. I will offer two counter-arguments. First, injustice can defeat legitimacy, and injustice can be intransparent. Second, (...) can play a critical function in our practical thought, which sometimes requires intransparency. (shrink)
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  41.  10
    Political Legitimacy and the Unreliability of Language.Eva Erman & Niklas Möller - 2016 - Public Reason 8 (1-2).
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  42.  32
    Indirect Instrumentalism About Political Legitimacy.Matthias Brinkmann - 2019 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 6 (1):175-202.
    Political instrumentalism claims that the right to rule should be distributed such that justice is promoted best. Building on a distinction made by consequentialists in moral philosophy, I argue that instrumentalists should distinguish two levels of normative thinking about legitimacy, the critical and applied level. An indirect instrumentalism which acknowledges this distinction has significant advantages over simpler forms of instrumentalism that do not.
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  43. Review of Nomos LXI: Political Legitimacy[REVIEW]Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Perspectives on Politics.
  44.  6
    Political Legitimacy in Bureaucratic Society: An Analysis of Watergate.Arthur Vidich - 1975 - Social Research: An International Quarterly 42.
  45.  6
    Political Legitimacy and Cultural Change in West and East.Richard Lowenthal - 1979 - Social Research: An International Quarterly 46.
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  46.  3
    Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa: Father, Family, Food by Michael G. Schatzberg.Raphael Chijioke Njoku - 2002 - Philosophia Africana 5 (2):95-98.
  47. On the Value of Political Legitimacy.Mathew Coakley - 2011 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (4):345-369.
    Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that (...)
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  48. Legitimate, but Unjust; Just, but Illegitimate: Rawls on Political Legitimacy.Silje A. Langvatn - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (2):132-153.
    The article offers a reconstruction of John Rawls views on political legitimacy, from A Theory of Justice to his late writings on political liberalism. It argues that Rawls had three conceptions of legitimacy, not two as one might expect based on the distinction between his two major works. Its argument is that the most radical change in Rawls’ thinking about legitimacy occurs in ‘Introduction to the Paperback Edition’ and ‘The Idea of Public Reason Revisited’. Here (...)
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  49.  11
    Political Legitimacy and the Right to Legal Services.David Luban - 1985 - Business and Professional Ethics Journal 4 (3/4):43-68.
  50. Natural Rights and Political Legitimacy.Christopher W. Morris - 2005 - Social Philosophy and Policy 22 (1):314-329.
    If we have a natural right to liberty, it is hard to see how a state could be legitimate without first obtaining the (genuine) consent of the governed. I consider the threat natural rights pose to state legitimacy. I distinguish minimal from full legitimacy and explore different understandings of the nature of our natural rights. Even though I conclude that natural rights do threaten the full legitimacy of states, I suggest that understanding our natural right to liberty (...)
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