About this topic
Summary In the latter part of the twentieth century, a number of  political theorists began to argue that “traditional” conceptions of liberalism – such as those offered by John Locke, Immanuel Kant, and John Stuart Mill – were no longer able to respond satisfactorily to the challenges associated with securing justice amidst the increasing plurality of competing, conflicting, and often incommensurable and irreconcilable beliefs present in contemporary constitutional democracies. Effectively addressing those challenges, it was suggested, would require (1) a redrawing of the boundaries of liberal concern so as to better distinguish between matters of public and private interest – between the political and the nonpolitical; and (2) a focus on securing a consensus on a framework for regulating and mediating only the former. The school of thought associated with this line of argument has come to be known as political liberalism, the most famous (contemporary) proponent of which is John Rawls, author of the architectonic text Political Liberalism. According to Rawls, a purely political liberalism is animated by a “freestanding” conception of justice, one that is not derived from any particular (controversial) metaphysical or epistemological view and limits its application to matters of public import – that is, issues that affect all members of the polity, such as decisions concerning voting and property rights and religious toleration, what Rawls characterizes as “constitutional essentials and issues of basic justice.”
Key works Examples of detailed conceptions of political liberalism are provided in Rawls 1993; Ackerman 1980; Gaus 1996; and Moon 1993.
Introductions Articles that provide an excellent introduction to the concept of political liberalism include Rawls 1985; Larmore 1990; Ackerman 1994; and Shklar 1989.
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  1. Poetry smuggling in a liberal society.Terence Rajivan Edward - manuscript
    I make a proposal for how one can continue to teach poetry through official channels in a liberal society, conceived as a set of rules for citizens who disagree on a lot of things, including the value of poetry. The proposal is to quote inspiring or relevant poems in textbooks for other disciplines.
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  2. Discussion note: Beyond a strictly political liberalism? Critical response to Abbey.Akira Inoue - manuscript
    of (from Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy).
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  3. The Significance of Hobbes’s Political Philosophy for the Development of Concept of Human Rights.Rok Svetlič - unknown - Phainomena 70.
    The article demonstrates the ambivalent role of Hobbes’s political philosophy concerning the development of concept of human rights. In the first glance, in accordance with the most widespread picture of Hobbes as a defender of absolutism, only the collision between his philosophy and human rights is possible since Hobbes explicitly denies that citizens have genuine rights of their own. On the other hand also the »jusnaturalistic« lecture of his political philosophy is known, focused on the series of natural laws which (...)
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  4. John Rawls, Political Liberalism.D. Archard - forthcoming - Radical Philosophy.
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  5. A Feminist Critique on Neoliberalism.Abdullah Beni - forthcoming - Medium.
    This article challenges the prevailing notion of feminist freedom rooted in individual choice, influenced by neoliberal ideology. While choice is integral, it argues for a broader perspective acknowledging systemic inequalities shaping women's options. Highlighting the flawed promises of neoliberalism, it discusses how economic disparities and workplace discrimination hinder genuine choice. It advocates for policies promoting economic justice, workplace equality, and reproductive rights as essential for feminist freedom. Ultimately, it calls for collective action to dismantle barriers and create a society where (...)
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  6. Ideal Theory and Real Politics: The Politics in Political Liberalism.Darren Cheng - forthcoming - Moral Philosophy and Politics.
    Realist thinkers in political philosophy often criticize ideal theorists for neglecting or eliminating the fact of politics in their work. This is supposed to be problematic because we should never expect to overcome politics. Any theory that attempts to do so is said to be unrealistic, naïve, and impractical. Although much has been said in the dispute between realists and ideal theorists in recent years, this particular line of criticism, which should be distinguished from other criticisms of ideal theory, has (...)
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  7. Political Liberalism and Ecological Responsibility. Is Conceptually Sustainable the “Green Liberalism”?Enrico Maestri - forthcoming - Governare la Paura. Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies.
    What is the theoretical and applied responsibility of practical legal policies against environmental degradation? Which political-philosophical attitude is implicit in the International and European environmental legislation for reducing and preventing the environmental degradation? The concepts and means, developed to compare us with the environmental issue, are adequate to capture the reality of these emergencies? The basic thesis, I intend to discuss and defend, argues that there is a “question incompatibility” between political liberalism and environmental protection.
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  8. Political Liberalism, Autonomy, and Education.Blain Neufeld - forthcoming - In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education.
    Citizens are politically autonomous insofar as they are subject to laws that are (a) justified by reasons acceptable to them and (b) authorized by them via their political institutions. An obstacle to the equal realization of political autonomy is the plurality of religious, moral, and philosophical views endorsed by citizens. Decisions regarding certain fundamental political issues (e.g., abortion) can involve citizens imposing political positions justified in terms of their respective worldviews upon others. Despite citizens’ disagreements over which worldview is correct, (...)
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  9. John Rawls: De “A Theory of Justice” a “Political Liberalism”.Justino López Santamaría - forthcoming - Estudios Filosóficos.
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  10. Political liberalism and the metaphysics of languages.Renan Silva - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    Many political theorists believe that a state cannot be neutral when it comes to languages. Legislatures cannot avoid picking a language in which to conduct their business and teachers have to teach their pupils in a language. However, against that, some political liberals argue that liberal neutrality is consistent with the state endorsement of particular languages. Claims to the contrary, they say, are based on a misguided understanding of what neutrality is. I will argue that this line of argument fails, (...)
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  11. Public justification.Kevin Vallier - forthcoming - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
    Explains the concept and conceptions of public justification found in the philosophy and political theory literatures.
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  12. Public Reason Liberalism and Sex-Neutral Marriage.Greg Walker - forthcoming - Ratio Juris.
    This article, forthcoming in the international legal philosophy journal Ratio Juris, responds to an article by Francis J. Beckwith arguing that the consistent application of liberal principles requires that same-sex marriage not be recognised in civil law. This response demonstrates that Beckwith’s article contains a series of interpretative and substantive flaws that render his argument unsuccessful. These relate to a misinterpretation of core liberal principles and a sidestepping of the matter of undue bias against same-sex partners. In correcting these flaws (...)
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  13. Discursive Equality and Public Reason.Thomas M. Besch - 2024 - In James Dominic Rooney & Patrick Zoll (eds.), Beyond Classical Liberalism: Freedom and the Good. New York, NY: Routledge Chapman & Hall. pp. 81-98.
    In public reason liberalism, equal respect requires that conceptions of justice be publicly justifiable to relevant people in a manner that allocates to each an equal say. But all liberal public justification also excludes: e.g., it accords no say, or a lesser say, to people it deems unreasonable. Can liberal public justification be aligned with the equal respect that allegedly grounds it, if the latter calls for discursive equality? The chapter explores this challenge with a focus on Rawls-type political liberalism. (...)
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  14. Autonomy, Community, and the Justification of Public Reason.Andersson Emil - 2024 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy:1-15.
    Recently, there have been attempts at offering new justifications of the Rawlsian idea of public reason. Blain Neufeld has suggested that the ideal of political autonomy justifies public reason, while R.J. Leland and Han van Wietmarschen have sought to justify the idea by appealing to the value of political community. In this paper, I show that both proposals are vulnerable to a common problem. In realistic circumstances, they will often turn into reasons to oppose, rather than support, public reason. However, (...)
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  15. Neutrality, Cultural Literacy, and Arts Funding.Jack Alexander Hume - 2024 - Ergo: An Open Access Journal of Philosophy 10 (55):1588-1617.
    Despite the widespread presence of public arts funding in liberal societies, some liberals find it unjustified. According to the Neutrality Objection, arts funding preferences some ways of life. One way to motivate this challenge is to say that a public goods-styled justification, although it could relieve arts funding of these worries of partiality, cannot be argued for coherently or is, in the end, too susceptible to impressions of partiality. I argue that diversity-based arts funding can overcome this challenge, because it (...)
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  16. The Republican Dilemma: Promoting Freedom in a Modern Society.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - New York: Oxford University Press.
    Republicans consider freedom as non-domination an attractive political ideal for a modern pluralistic society that cannot be found in liberalism. This book shows how this view is untenable. By analysing freedom as non-domination as it is understood by contemporary republicans, the book rejects the widely held view that this freedom concept is superior to liberal understandings of freedom as non-interference. In fact, setting up institutions to promote non-domination is shown to also promote non-interference. The book demonstrates how it is the (...)
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  17. Collectivizing Public Reason.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - Social Theory and Practice 50 (2):285–306.
    Public reason liberals expect individuals to have justificatory reasons for their views of certain political issues. This paper considers how groups can, and whether they should, give collective public reasons for their political decisions. A problem is that aggregating individuals’ consistent judgments on reasons and a decision can produce inconsistent collective judgments. The group will then fail to give a reason for its decision. The paper considers various solutions to this problem and defends a deliberative procedure by showing how it (...)
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  18. Public Reason, Partisanship and the Containment of the Populist Radical Right.Gabriele Badano & Alasia Nuti - 2023 - Political Studies 71 (1):198-217.
    This article discusses the growth of the populist radical right as a concrete example of the scenario where liberal democratic ideas are losing support in broadly liberal democratic societies. Our goal is to enrich John Rawls’ influential theory of political liberalism. We argue that even in that underexplored scenario, Rawlsian political liberalism can offer an appealing account of how to promote the legitimacy and stability of liberal democratic institutions provided it places partisanship centre stage. Specifically, we propose a brand-new moral (...)
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  19. Consensus, Convergence, and Covid-19: The Role of Religion in Leaders’ Responses to Covid-19.Marilie Coetsee - 2023 - Leadership 13 (3):446-64.
    Focusing on current efforts to persuade the public to comply with Covid-19 best practices, this essay examines what role appeals to religious reasons should (or should not) play in leaders’ attempts to secure followers’ acceptance of group policies in contexts of religious and moral pluralism. While appeals to followers’ religious commitments can be helpful in promoting desirable public health outcomes, they also raise moral concerns when made in the contexts of secular institutions with religiously diverse participants. In these contexts, leaders (...)
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  20. A More Liberal Public Reason Liberalism.Roberto Fumagalli - 2023 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 10 (2):337-366.
    In recent years, leading public reason liberals have argued that publicly justifying coercive laws and policies requires that citizens offer both adequate secular justificatory reasons and adequate secular motivating reasons for these laws and policies. In this paper, I provide a critical assessment of these two requirements and argue for two main claims concerning such requirements. First, only some qualified versions of the requirement that citizens offer adequate secular justificatory reasons for coercive laws and policies may be justifiably regarded as (...)
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  21. How to Not Go All-In on Public Justification.Paul Garofalo - 2023 - Ergo: An Open Access Journal of Philosophy 10 (27):756-780.
    Political liberals hold that the exercise of state power is legitimate only if it can be publicly justified—justified on the basis of public reasons. Many find this requirement too demanding and propose instead that there are just pro tanto reasons for laws and policies to be publicly justified. Here I argue that this alternative proposal fails to recognize that there are also distinct pro tanto reasons to have institutional requirements that laws and policies are publicly justified. This suggests an intermediate (...)
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  22. Legitimacy and two roles for flourishing in politics.Paul Garofalo - 2023 - Journal of Political Philosophy 31 (3):294-314.
    May the state try to promote the flourishing of its citizens? Some political philosophers—perfectionists—hold that the state may do so, while other political philosophers—anti-perfectionists—hold that the state may not do so. Here I examine how perfectionists might respond to a style of argument that anti-perfectionists give—what I call the legitimacy objection. This argument holds that considerations about flourishing are not themselves the right kind of considerations to justify state authority, and so if the state takes action to promote the flourishing (...)
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  23. The Basic Liberties: An Essay on Analytical Specification.Stephen K. McLeod & Attila Tanyi - 2023 - European Journal of Political Theory 22 (3):465-486.
    We characterize, more precisely than before, what Rawls calls the “analytical” method of drawing up a list of basic liberties. This method employs one or more general conditions that, under any just social order whatever, putative entitlements must meet for them to be among the basic liberties encompassed, within some just social order, by Rawls’s first principle of justice (i.e., the liberty principle). We argue that the general conditions that feature in Rawls’s own account of the analytical method, which employ (...)
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  24. Republican Freedom and Liberal Neutrality.Lars Moen - 2023 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 26 (2):325–348.
    Institutions promoting republican freedom as non-domination are commonly believed to differ significantly from institutions promoting negative freedom as non-interference. Philip Pettit, the most prominent contemporary defender of this view, also maintains that these republican institutions are neutral between the different conceptions of the good that characterise a modern society. This paper shows why these two views are incompatible. By analysing the institutional requirements Pettit takes as constitutive of republican freedom, I show how they also promote negative freedom by reducing overall (...)
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  25. Religion and Justice.Patrick Nogoy - 2023 - Dissertation, University College London
    How should a liberal state treat its citizens who subscribe to religion and enjoy its component goods? This thesis explores the possibility of reconciling religion and justice. It argues for (1) a proper understanding of religion and the kind of good it constitutes; (2) the possibility of a liberal theory of justice which takes fully into account the claims of believers; and (3) an arrangement of social institutions which protects the engagement of citizens with faith with the goods of religion. (...)
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  26. Nudging for changing selves.Richard Pettigrew - 2023 - Synthese 201 (1):1-21.
    When is it legitimate for a government to ‘nudge’ its citizens, in the sense described by Thaler and Sunstein (2008)? In their original work on the topic, Thaler and Sunstein developed the _‘as judged by themselves’ (or AJBT) test_ to answer this question (Thaler and Sunstein 2008, p. 5). In a recent paper, Paul and Sunstein (2019) raised a concern about this test: it often seems to give the wrong answer in cases in which we are nudged to make a (...)
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  27. Die Erziehung der Vernünftigen: Politischer Liberalismus und öffentliche Bildung.Frodo Podschwadek - 2023 - Cham: Springer VS.
    Dieses Buch bietet die erste ausgearbeitete Darstellung politisch-liberaler Bildung und verbindet eine gründliche Analyse der theoretischen Grundlagen mit anwendungsorientierten Ansätzen für zeitgenössische pädagogische Herausforderungen. Neben einer eingehenden Auseinandersetzung mit den Unzulänglichkeiten der Rawls'schen Theorie und der Erörterung einiger zentraler Einwände gegen neutralitätsbasierte Beschränkungen in der Bildung bietet der Band eine aufschlussreiche Diskussion von Themen wie gleichgeschlechtliche Beziehungen in der Sexualerziehung, die Stellung von Kindern mit Migrationshintergrund und das Recht religiöser Eltern, die Erziehung ihrer Kinder zu bestimmen. Das Buch skizziert ein (...)
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  28. Asha Bhandary's Freedom to Care— A Kantian Care Engagement. [REVIEW]Helga Varden - 2023 - Dialogue 62 (2):247-260.
    RésuméCette analyse situe la théorie du soin d'Asha Bhandary, telle que définie dans Freedom to Care, dans l'histoire de la philosophie, note certaines caractéristiques distinctives de la théorie qui font clairement évoluer la tradition de la théorie du soin, et soulève des énigmes et des questions concernant des éléments spécifiques de la théorie. Mes remarques portent principalement sur la première partie du livre et sur les quatre sujets suivants : (1) les racines rawlsiennes de la théorie de Bhandary ; (2) (...)
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  29. Freedom, Equality, and Justifiability to All: Reinterpreting Liberal Legitimacy.Emil Andersson - 2022 - The Journal of Ethics 26 (4):591-612.
    According to John Rawls’s famous Liberal Principle of Legitimacy, the exercise of political power is legitimate only if it is justifiable to all citizens. The currently dominant interpretation of what is justifiable to persons in this sense is an internalist one. On this view, what is justifiable to persons depends on their beliefs and commitments. In this paper I challenge this reading of Rawls’s principle, and instead suggest that it is most plausibly interpreted in externalist terms. On this alternative view, (...)
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  30. Can Rawlsian Containment of Hateful Viewpoints Be Effective?Corrado Fumagalli - 2022 - Social Theory and Practice (X):681-707.
    While most of the literature has attempted to justify harsh and soft containment given some fundamental commitments of political liberalism, I focus on how justified forms of containment can in themselves be deemed effective. This article shows that a reading of Rawls allows for a comparison of different containment practices based on their capacity to protect the stability of liberal democracies under serious threat. And, in making it possible to compare harsh and soft containment, I evaluate immediate stability gains against (...)
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  31. Public Reason and the Justification of Punishment.Zachary Hoskins - 2022 - Criminal Justice Ethics 41 (2):121-41.
    Chad Flanders has argued that retributivism is inconsistent with John Rawls’s core notion of public reason, which sets out those considerations on which legitimate exercises of state power can be based. Flanders asserts that retributivism is grounded in claims about which people can reasonably disagree and are thus not suitable grounds for public policy. This essay contends that Rawls’s notion of public reason does not provide a basis for rejecting retributivist justifications of punishment. I argue that Flanders’s interpretation of public (...)
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  32. The Political Moralism of Some Catholic Bishops and Priests: A Postmodern Evaluation.Alexis Deodato Itao - 2022 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 8 (Special Issue):186-212.
    The Catholic Church never officially endorses political candidates but rather respects the freedom of its faithful to vote according to the dictates of their conscience. However, in the last presidential elections, some Catholic bishops and priests in the Philippines publicly and openly supported the presidential candidacy of Vice President Leni Robredo while urging the rest of the faithful to do the same. These bishops and priests anchored their position on their shared belief that voting for Robredo was the only rightful (...)
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  33. Institutional Review Boards and Public Justification.Anantharaman Muralidharan & G. Owen Schaefer - 2022 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 26 (3):405-423.
    Ethics committees like Institutional Review Boards and Research Ethics Committees are typically empowered to approve or reject proposed studies, typically conditional on certain conditions or revisions being met. While some have argued this power should be primarily a function of applying clear, codified requirements, most institutions and legal regimes allow discretion for IRBs to ethically evaluate studies, such as to ensure a favourable risk-benefit ratio, fair subject selection, adequate informed consent, and so forth. As a result, ethics committees typically make (...)
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  34. Public Reason and Political Autonomy: Realizing the Ideal of a Civic People.Blain Neufeld - 2022 - London, UK: Routledge.
    This book advances a novel justification for the idea of "public reason": citizens within diverse societies can realize the ideal of shared political autonomy, despite their adherence to different religious and philosophical views, by deciding fundamental political questions with "public reasons." Public reasons draw upon or are derived from ecumenical political ideas, such as toleration and equal citizenship, and mutually acceptable forms of reasoning, like those of the sciences. This book explains that if citizens share equal political autonomy—and thereby constitute (...)
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  35. Neutrality and Excellence.Mark R. Reiff - 2022 - In Mark McBride & Visa A. J. Kurki (eds.), Without Trimmings: The Legal, Moral, and Political Philosophy of Matthew Kramer. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. pp. 271-296.
    In Liberalism with Excellence, Matthew Kramer makes an argument for how excellence may enter in into liberalism, despite liberalism’s strong commitment to neutrality. Kramer seeks to challenge not only the uncompromising rejection of this position by liberals such a Jonathan Quong, but also the so-called “blended” approach of “soft-perfectionist” scholars such as Joseph Raz and George Sher. In this essay, I do not so much challenge Kramer’s approach as offer an alternative for accomplishing the same thing. Under my proposal, certain (...)
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  36. The Limits of Democratizing Science: When Scientists Should Ignore the Public.S. Andrew Schroeder - 2022 - Philosophy of Science 89 (5):1034-1043.
    Scientists are frequently called upon to “democratize” science, by bringing the public into scientific research. One appealing point for public involvement concerns the nonepistemic values involved in science. Suppose, though, a scientist invites the public to participate in making such value-laden determinations but finds that the public holds values the scientist considers morally unacceptable. Does the argument for democratizing science commit the scientist to accepting the public’s objectionable values, or may she veto them? I argue that there are a limited (...)
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  37. Liberalism and the Construction of Gender (Non-)Normative Bodies and Queer Identities.Karsten Schubert, Ligia Fabris & Holly Patch - 2022 - In Alexandra Scheele, Julia Roth & Heidemarie Winkel (eds.), Global Contestations of Gender Rights. Bielefeld University Press. pp. 269-286.
    The Yogyakarta Principles for the application of human rights to sexual orientation and gender identity define gender identity as “each person’s deeply felt internal and individual experience of gender, which may or may not correspond with the sex assigned at birth, including the personal sense of the body and other expressions of gender, including dress, speech, and mannerisms.” This definition and its acknowledgment within human rights politics is a key step in the fight of trans people for legal protection. Our (...)
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  38. Accessibility, pluralism, and honesty: a defense of the accessibility requirement in public justification.Baldwin Wong - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (2):235-259.
    Political liberals assume an accessibility requirement, which means that, for ensuring civic respect and non-manipulation, public officials should offer accessible reasons during political advocacy. Recently, critics have offered two arguments to show that the accessibility requirement is unnecessary. The first is the pluralism argument: Given the pluralism in evaluative standards, when officials offer non-accessible reasons, they are not disrespectful because they may merely try to reveal their strongest reason. The second is the honesty argument: As long as officials honestly confess (...)
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  39. Liberalism.Aaron J. Ancell - 2021 - In William A. Galston & Tom G. Palmer (eds.), Truth and Governance. pp. 193-215.
    Liberalism has a complicated and sometimes uneasy relationship with truth. On one hand, liberalism requires that truth be widely valued and widely shared. It demands that governments be truthful and that citizens have ready access to numerous truths. Some liberals even take facilitating the discovery and dissemination of truth to be part of the raison d’être of liberal institutions. On the other hand, liberalism is averse to proclaiming or enforcing truth. It detaches truth from political legitimacy and deems certain truths (...)
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  40. Comprehensive or Political Liberalism? The Impartial Spectator and the Justification of Political Principles.Nir Ben-Moshe - 2021 - Utilitas 33 (3):253-269.
    John Rawls raises three challenges – to which one can add a fourth challenge – to an impartial spectator account: (a) the impartial spectator is a utility-maximizing device that does not take seriously the distinction between persons; (b) the account does not guarantee that the principles of justice will be derived from it; (c) the notion of impartiality in the account is the wrong one, since it does not define impartiality from the standpoint of the litigants themselves; (d) the account (...)
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  41. Against Public Reason’s Alleged Self-Defeat.Andrei Bespalov - 2021 - Law and Philosophy 40 (6):617-644.
    Mainstream political liberals hold that state coercion is legitimate only if it is justified on the grounds of reasons that all may reasonably be expected to accept. Critics argue that this public justification principle is self-defeating, because it depends on moral justifications that not all may reasonably be expected to accept. To rebut the self-defeat objection, I elaborate on the following disjunction: one either agrees or disagrees that it is wrong to impose one’s morality on others by the coercive power (...)
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  42. Equal Respect, Liberty, and Civic Friendship: Why Liberal Public Justification Needs a Dual Understanding of Reciprocity.Sylvie Bláhová & Pavel Dufek - 2021 - Czech Journal of Political Science 1 (28):3–19.
    The paper critically discusses the dualism in the interpretation of the moral basis of public reason. We argue that in order to maintain the complementarity of both liberal and democratic values within the debate on public reason, the arguments from liberty and from civic friendship cannot be considered in isolation. With regard to the argument from liberty, we contend that because the idea of natural liberty is an indispensable starting point of liberal theory, no explanation of the justification of political (...)
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  43. Powerful Deceivers and Public Reason Liberalism: An Argument for Externalization.Sean Donahue - 2021 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 1 (1):1-18.
    Public reason liberals claim that legitimate rules must be justifiable to diverse perspectives. This Public Justification Principle threatens that failing to justify rules to reprehensible agents makes them illegitimate. Although public reason liberals have replies to this objection, they cannot avoid the challenge of powerful deceivers. Powerful deceivers trick people who are purportedly owed public justification into considering otherwise good rules unjustified. Avoiding this challenge requires discounting some failures of justification according to what caused people’s beliefs. I offer a conception (...)
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  44. Human Flourishing, Liberal Theory, and the Arts. [REVIEW]Michalle Gal - 2021 - British Journal of Aesthetics 61 (2):262-266.
    Human Flourishing, Liberal Theory, and the ArtsMAUTNERMENACHEM routledge. 2018. pp. 198. £125.
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  45. Species of Pluralism in Political Philosophy.Kyle Johannsen - 2021 - Journal of Value Inquiry 55 (3):491-506.
    The name ‘pluralism’ frequently rears its head in political philosophy, but theorists often have different things in mind when using the term. Whereas ‘reasonable pluralism’ refers to the fact of moral diversity among citizens of a liberal democracy, ‘value pluralism’ is a metaethical view about the structure of moral practical reasoning. In this paper, I argue that value pluralism is part of the best explanation for reasonable pluralism. However, I also argue that embracing this explanation is compatible with political liberalism’s (...)
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  46. State perfectionism and the importance of Confucianism for East Asia's future development.Franz Mang - 2021 - Philosophical Forum 52 (1):5-16.
    The Philosophical Forum, Volume 52, Issue 1, Page 5-16, Spring 2021.
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  47. The Politics of Perception and the Aesthetics of Social Change.Jason Miller - 2021 - New York, NY, USA: Columbia University Press.
    In both politics and art in recent decades, there has been a dramatic shift in emphasis on representation of identity. Liberal ideals of universality and individuality have given way to a concern with the visibility and recognition of underrepresented groups. Modernist and postmodernist celebrations of disruption and subversion have been challenged by the view that representation is integral to social change. Despite this convergence, neither political nor aesthetic theory has given much attention to the increasingly central role of art in (...)
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  48. Gina Schouten, Liberalism, Neutrality, and the Gendered Division of Labor. [REVIEW]David O’Brien - 2021 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 18 (5):542-545.
  49. Living alone under lockdown.Felix Pinkert - 2021 - In Fay Niker & Aveek Bhattacharya (eds.), Political Philosophy in a Pandemic: Routes to a More Just Future. New York: Bloomsbury Academic. pp. 123-135.
  50. Educating the Reasonable: Political Liberalism and Public Education.Frodo Podschwadek - 2021 - Springer.
    Offering the first developed account of political liberal education, this book combines a thorough analysis of the theoretical groundwork of political liberal education with application-oriented approaches to contemporary educational challenges. Following in depth engagement with the shortcomings of Rawls’ theory and addressing some key objections to neutrality-based restrictions in education, the volume moves on to provide an insightful discussion of topics such as same-sex relations in sex-education, the position of migrant children and the rights of religious parents to determine the (...)
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