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Fabian Wendt
Chapman University
  1.  11
    The Sufficiency Proviso.Fabian Wendt - 2017 - In Routledge Handbook of Libertarianism. London: Routledge. pp. 169-183.
    A libertarian theory of justice holds that persons are self-owners and have the Hohfeldian moral power to justly acquire property rights in initially unowned external resources. Different variants of libertarianism can be distinguished according to their stance on the famous Lockean proviso. The proviso requires, in Locke’s words, to leave ‘enough and as good’ for others, and thus specifies limits on the acquisition of property. Left-libertarians accept an egalitarian interpretation of the proviso, ‘right-libertarians’ either reject any kind of proviso or (...)
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  2.  86
    Slaves, Prisoners, and Republican Freedom.Fabian Wendt - 2011 - Res Publica 17 (2):175-192.
    Philip Pettit’s republican conception of freedom is presented as an alternative both to negative and positive conceptions of freedom. The basic idea is to conceptualize freedom as non-domination, not as non-interference or self-mastery. When compared to negative freedom, Pettit’s republican conception comprises two controversial claims: the claim that we are unfree if we are dominated without actual interference, and the claim that we are free if we face interference without domination. Because the slave is a widely accepted paradigm of the (...)
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  3.  5
    Three Types of Sufficientarian Libertarianism.Fabian Wendt - forthcoming - Res Publica:1-18.
    Sufficientarian libertarianism is a theory of justice that combines libertarianism’s focus on property rights and non-interference with sufficientarianism’s concern for the poor and needy. Persons are conceived as having stringent rights to direct their lives as they see fit, provided that everyone has enough to live a self-guided life. Yet there are different ways to combine libertarianism and sufficientarianism and hence different types of sufficientarian libertarianism. In the article I present and discuss three types, and I argue that the last (...)
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  4.  35
    Political Authority and the Minimal State.Fabian Wendt - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (1):97-122.
    Robert Nozick and Eric Mack have tried to show that a minimal state could be just. A minimal state, they claim, could help to protect people’s moral rights without violating moral rights itself. In this article, I will discuss two challenges for defenders of a minimal state. The first challenge is to show that the just minimal state does not violate moral rights when taxing people and when maintaining a monopoly on the use of force. I argue that this challenge (...)
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  5.  13
    On Realist Legitimacy.Fabian Wendt - 2016 - Social Philosophy and Policy 32 (2):227-245.
    In the last ten or fifteen years, realism has emerged as a distinct approach in political theory. Realists are skeptical about the merits of abstract theories of justice. They regard peace, order, and stability as the primary goals of politics. One of the more concrete aims of realists is to develop a realist perspective on legitimacy. I argue that realist accounts of legitimacy are unconvincing, because they do not solve what I call the “puzzle of legitimacy”: the puzzle of how (...)
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  6.  89
    Nozick's Wilt Chamberlain Argument.Fabian Wendt - 2011 - In Michael Bruce & Steven Barbone (eds.), Just the Arguments: 100 of the Most Important Arguments in Western Philosophy. Wiley-Blackwell.
    Presents Robert Nozick's Wilt Chamberlain argument in premise-conclusion form.
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  7.  21
    The Moral Standing of Modus Vivendi Arrangements.Fabian Wendt - 2016 - Public Affairs Quarterly 30 (4):351-370.
    While John Rawls made the notion of a “modus vivendi” prominent in political philosophy, he treats modus vivendi arrangements rather short and dismissively. On the other hand, some political theorists like John Gray praise modus vivendi as the only available and legitimate goal of politics. In the article I sketch the outlines of a different, more nuanced approach to modus vivendi arrangements. I argue that the moral standing of modus vivendi arrangements varies, and I try to spell out the factors (...)
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  8.  2
    Compromise and the Value of Widely Accepted Laws.Fabian Wendt - 2017 - In Christian F. Rostboll & Theresa Scavenius (eds.), Compromise and Disagreement in Contemporary Political Theory. London: Routledge. pp. 50-62.
    The article defends the claim that if some laws are (or would be) widely accepted, this provides pro tanto moral reasons to support these laws and not to support otherwise better laws that are not widely accepted. In that sense the value of having widely accepted laws provides moral reasons to make compromises in politics, and it justifies a modest and qualified status quo bias. Widely accepted laws are valuable because they reduce enforcement costs, have symbolic value, help to maintain (...)
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  9.  52
    Wittwer, Ist es vernünftig, moralisch zu handeln? [REVIEW]Fabian Wendt - 2012 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 15 (4):279-280.
  10.  31
    Justice and Political Authority in Left-Libertarianism.Fabian Wendt - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (3):316-339.
    From a left-libertarian perspective, it seems almost impossible for states to acquire political authority. For that reason, left-libertarians like Peter Vallentyne understandably hope that states without political authority could nonetheless implement left-libertarian justice. Vallentyne has argued that one can indeed assess a state’s justness without assessing its political authority. Against Vallentyne, I try to show that states without political authority have to be judged unjust even if they successfully promote justice. The reason is that institutions can be unjust independently from (...)
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  11.  41
    Gaus, The Order of Public Reason: A Theory of Freedom and Morality in a Diverse and Bounded World. [REVIEW]Fabian Wendt - 2012 - Utilitas 24 (4):548-551.
  12.  5
    Universalisierbarkeit und öffentliche Rechtfertigung.Fabian Wendt - 2013 - Zeitschrift für Philosophische Forschung 67 (4):587ß609.
    Das Prinzip öffentlicher Rechtfertigung ist ein Kernprinzip einer Hauptströmung des zeitgenössischen Liberalismus. Es besagt, in einer von Gerald Gaus vertretenen Variante, dass Regeln der Sozialmoral ebenso wie staatliche Institutionen und Gesetze gegenüber allen betroffenen Personen mit ihren je verschiedenen evaluativen Standards rechtfertigbar sein müssen. Die Regeln, Institutionen oder Gesetze sind rechtfertigbar, wenn alle betroffenen Personen vor dem Hintergrund ihrer je verschiedenen evaluativen Standards einen hinreichenden Grund haben, sie zu akzeptieren. Das Universalisierbarkeitsprinzip dagegen ist kein normatives Prinzip der politischen Philosophie, sondern (...)
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  13.  11
    Emanuela Ceva, Interactive Justice: A Proceduralist Approach to Value Conflict in Politics. [REVIEW]Fabian Wendt - 2017 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 20 (2):431-432.
  14.  14
    Introduction: Compromising on Justice.Fabian Wendt - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (4):475-480.
    Introductory text for the CRISPP-special issue and Routledge-book on "Compromising on Justice". Also includes a summary of the articles by Steven Wall, Robert B. Talisse, Sune Lægaard, Daniel Weinstock, Enzo Rossi and Fabian Wendt.
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  15.  7
    Peace Beyond Compromise.Fabian Wendt - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (4):573-593.
    Our societies are marked not only by disagreements on the good life, but also by disagreements on justice. This motivates philosophers as divergent as John Gray and Chandran Kukathas to focus their normative political theories on peace instead of justice. In this article, I discuss how peace should be conceived if peace is to be a more realistic goal than justice, not presupposing any moral consensus. I distinguish two conceptions of peace to be found in the literature. One, ordinary peace, (...)
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  16.  17
    Compromise, Peace and Public Justification: Political Morality Beyond Justice.Fabian Wendt - 2016 - Palgrave-Macmillan.
    This book explores the morality of compromising. The author argues that peace and public justification are values that provide moral reasons to make compromises in politics, including compromises that establish unjust laws or institutions. He explains how it is possible to have moral reasons to agree to moral compromises and he debates our moral duties and obligations in making such compromises. The book also contains discussions of the sources of the value of public justification, the relation between peace and justice, (...)
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