Resumo: A falência do feminismo liberal é apontada como uma realidade por filósofas feministas como Nancy Fraser. A partir disso, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo esclarecer ideias centrais do feminismo liberal, as principais críticas direcionadas à teoria e a sua utilidade a um projeto feminista emancipador das mulheres, com base, principalmente, nos escritos de Martha Nussbaum. Autonomia, racionalidade e liberdade são as principais reivindicações do feminismo liberal, e por isso, busca-se demonstrar a interlocução (...) entre essas questões e a objetificação, bem como esclarecer que existem interpretações diversas dentro do próprio movimento, a respeito de qual liberdade se interessa, e que nesse sentido, o feminismo liberal igualitário é o mais útil a um projeto emancipador. Palavras-chave: Feminismo liberal; Autonomia; Objetificação; Racionalidade. Autonomy, rationality and freedom: liberal feminism is bankrupt? Abstract: The failure of liberal feminism is pointed out as a reality by feminist philosophers such as Nancy Fraser. From this, the present research aims to clarify central ideas of liberal feminism, the main criticisms directed to the theory and its usefulness to a feminist emancipatory project for women, based mainly on the writings of Martha Nussbaum. Autonomy, rationality and freedom are the main claims of liberal feminism, and therefore, it seeks to demonstrate the dialogue between these issues and objectification, as well as clarify that there are different interpretations within the movement itself, regarding which freedom is interested, and that in this sense, egalitarian liberal feminism is the most useful to an emancipatory project. Key-words: Liberal feminism; Objectification; Autonomy; Rationality. Autonomía, racionalidad y libertad: ¿está en bancarrota el feminismo liberal? Resumen: El fracaso del feminismo liberal es señalado como una realidad por filósofas feministas como Nancy Fraser. A partir de ello, la presente investigación tiene como objetivo esclarecer ideas centrales del feminismo liberal, las principales críticas dirigidas a la teoría y su utilidad para un proyecto feminista emancipador de las mujeres, apoyándose principalmente en los escritos de Martha Nussbaum. La autonomía, la racionalidad y la libertad son los principales reclamos del feminismo liberal, y por ello, busca evidenciar el diálogo entre estos temas y la objetivación, así como aclarar que existen diferentes interpretaciones dentro del propio movimiento, respecto a lo que le interesa la libertad, y que en este sentido, el feminismo liberal igualitario es el más útil para un proyecto emancipador. Palabras clave: Feminismo Liberal; Objetivación; Autonomía; Racionalidad. Data de registro: 28/04/2022 Data de aceite: 17/08/2022. (shrink)

La Nueva Ola Feminista ha generado dos reacciones que no son nuevas, pero se ven actualizadas por el carácter masivo y global del movimiento: una instrumentalización del feminismo, configurando lo que Laura Martínez-Jiménez denomina “posfeminismo neoliberal”; y una avanzada de un populismo conservador, que redobla su militancia anti-derechos como parte de su programa ante la crisis neoliberal (como puede observarse en el fallo Dobbs vs. Jackson en Estados Unidos). Objetivos. En este artículo analizaremos ambas reacciones (que en algunas ocasiones (...) son leídas como opuestas) como dos caras distintas pero complementarias de la configuración de lo que denomino el corrimiento del histórico género vs. clase a un actualizado género vs. pueblo. Metodología. Dividiremos el artículo en tres apartados: (a) inscribiremos la Nueva Ola Feminista dentro de los movimientos sociales de reacción a la crisis del capitalismo neoliberal; (b) señalaremos los principales clivajes de la construcción de la oposición género vs. pueblo; (c) criticaremos la interpretación individualista de los derechos de las mujeres desde una apropiación de la Teoría de la Reproducción Social. Resultados y conclusiones. La construcción de la oposición género vs. pueblo se basa en una des-inscripción del feminismo del conjunto de movimientos surgidos al calor de la crisis neoliberal, y en construcción de los derechos de las mujeres como derechos (neo)liberal-individuales. Ante esta operación, es necesario profundizar las perspectivas teóricas (y políticas) que conciben a las demandas de género como parte fundamental de los derechos de la-clase-que-vive-del-trabajo para establecer las condiciones de su reproducción social. (shrink)

This article presents and discusses two contributions by Lélia Gonzales to the consolidation of an Afro-Latin-American feminism truly commited to breaking colonial oppression mechanisms and interested in the liberation of all human beings subjugated by the European colonization process. The first contribution pertains to the importance of understanding the formation of Brazilian society from a decolonial perspective. The second one concerns the need for feminist movements to include racial issues on their agendas in order to engage in the antiracist struggle.

KOINONIA/ASETT MINGA/MUTIRÃO DE REVISTAS DE TEOLOGIA LATINO-AMERICANAS Teología feminista latinoamericana de la liberación: balance y futuro (Latin American feminist theology of liberation: balance and future).

With the question of the title of this paper, which recalls an issue that Valcárcel already asked herself in 1991, I reflect on the need to recover the struggle of feminism as a political struggle. To this end, I argue that feminism cannot be understood without the objective of trying to transform societies, without the aspiration to emancipation. Therefore, it will be urgent to be able to answer and resist the task of depoliticization that the neoliberal capitalist system administers until (...) it tries to convert feminism into another commodity. I propose to recover the collective subject of feminism, above the constant ontological and epistemological function that neoliberal politics applies, as the only way to aspire to that liberation and emancipation that we feminists long for. (shrink)

Este artigo tem o objetivo de apresentar e desenvolver as críticas feministas à Teoria da Justiça de John Rawls, especialmente por meio do diálogo e das contribuições de Martha Nussbaum e Susan Okin para um liberalismo feminista. Para tanto, discutimos três pontos centrais no debate entre essas duas filósofas feministas e Rawls: a) a noção de família como uma instituição básica da sociedade; b) a distinção entre doutrinas morais abrangentes razoáveis e não razoáveis; e c) a concepção de pessoa política (...) com autonomia plena. As críticas à teoria rawlsiana feitas por feministas demonstram a riqueza e a profundidade de Rawls para o liberalismo contemporâneo, ao mesmo tempo em que apontam para os problemas que teorias que tradicionalmente não desenvolvem um olhar crítico para a situação generificada dos sistemas democráticos encontram ao abordar a situação da cidadania das mulheres. As demandas do feminismo liberal, relacionadas à situação de mulheres ao redor do mundo, são muito bem-articuladas por Nussbaum a partir de sua crítica interna ao liberalismo rawlsiano, enfatizando que algumas das disposições teóricas desse autor não parecem ser radicais o suficiente para garantir a disponibilidade integral dessas capacidades para mulheres e crianças. Da mesma forma, o diálogo de Nussbaum com as críticas de Okin aprofundaram o debate sobre os limites da teoria da justiça rawlsiana. (shrink)

In the modern age a specific lexicon has arisen to defend liberty and equality. This vocabulary has also been employed to defend misogynist positions and to justify the inequality between women and men. One clear example is Rousseau’s explanation of the sexual division of labour: women “naturally” decide to remain at home and look after the children while the men search for the resources necessary for the group. In this manner he intends to explain the relegation of women to the (...) private and domestic sphere. In the twentieth century this division entered in crisis due to the critical work of many feminist thinkers and groups. Among these Betty Friedan, Kate Millett and the Radicalesbians stand out. Their analyses put in question this division of spheres, their limits, their nature and their acceptance in society. Moreover they show the political scope and the power which underlies this division of labour, as well as the liberating possibilities resulting from the criticism of and the disobedience to the same. Betty Friedan denounces the social obstacles faced by women who wish to work outside the home and highlights the devastating consequences for the female psyche. Kate Millett puts in evidence the political system which oppresses women and how it colonises personal and intimate spaces. The Radicalesbians group underlines the freedom realised by woman-identified women. These feminists offer open and rich interpretations which are relevant in the present. (shrink)

Resumen: Este artículo expone un caso de estudio ilustrativo del papel de las mujeres en la prensa escrita de principios del siglo pasado que sirve para examinar críticamente los reportajes que firmara la estadounidense Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939) sobre las mujeres en Asia Oriental, publicados en la revista ilustrada Scribner’s Magazine y en Current History. La pretensión es poner de manifiesto los elementos ideológicos, culturales y de género patentes en las crónicas de Yule dedicados a la «nueva mujer» asiática, y (...) cómo los escritos reflejan el contexto geopolítico de la época. Se busca con ello destacar el rol de estas «corresponsales de género» para discutir la representación de la «nueva mujer» en Japón, China y Corea que difundieron en las revistas. Asimismo, se reseñan los factores «geosexuales» y «geoideológicos» de sus textos, y las contradicciones entre la realidad de aquellas mujeres y el intento de la periodista por superponer, manejando la categoría «nueva mujer», principios y valores propios de la «modernidad protestante» movilizados con la ayuda de a implantación en Asia de organizaciones lideradas por mujeres como la Young Women’s Christian Association (ywca). Se destaca la naturaleza disputada de la modernidad y del feminismo en Asia Oriental durante ese período, estudiando cómo las periodistas extranjeras jugaron un rol sustancial en la construcción de la imagen de la «nueva mujer» en la región, para concluir subrayando la relevancia que esta producción periodística tuvo transmitiendo el ideario liberal-idealista connatural a la sociedad internacional de entreguerras y los problemas epistémicos que presenta. Palabras clave: Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939); crónica periodística; nueva mujer; geosexualidad; geoideología. Abstract: This article presents an illustrative case study of the role of women in the print media at the beginning of the last century that serves to critically examine the chronicles signed by Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939) on women in East Asia, published in the journals Scribner’s Magazine and Current History. The aim is to highlight the ideological, cultural, and gender elements evident in Yule’s reports dedicated to the Asian «new woman», and how the writings reflect the geopolitical context of the time. This seeks to highlight the role of these «gender correspondents» to discuss the representation of the «new woman» in Japan, China, and Korea that they disseminated in magazines. Likewise, the «geosexual» and «geoideological» factors of their texts are reviewed, as well as the contradictions between the reality of those women and the journalist’s attempt to superimpose, handling the category “new woman”, principles and values of the «Protestant modernity» mobilized with the help of the establishment in Asia of women-led organizations such as the Young Women’s Christian Association (ywca). The disputed nature of modernity and feminism in East Asia during this period is underlined by studying how foreign journalists played a substantial role in the construction of the image of the «new woman» in the region, to conclude by showing the relevance that this journalistic production had in transmitting the liberal-idealist ideology inherent to the interwar international society and the epistemic problems that it presents. Keywords: Emma Sarepta Yule (1863-1939); journalistic chronicle; new woman; geosexuality; geoideology. Sumario: 1. Introducción; 2. La «nueva mujer» del «nuevo Japón»; 3. Las sin nombre: la «Señorita China» entre murallas; 4. Las «nuevas» y «jóvenes» rebeldes coreanas en un país «soñoliento»; 5. Nota final: El «género» de la «crónica»; 6. Referencias bibliográficas. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to elucidate whether and how the theory of erotic capital may function as a feminist tool to subvert the hierarchies and relations in current economy in favour of the empowerment and liberation of women. Thus, by analyzing the ways in which white, liberal feminism directly constructs its claims and petitions through the absorption of liberal epistemological dogmas, we intend to search the direct relation between the ideology developed by white, cisgender feminists and (...) liberal economics and politics. This article demonstrates how a theory of erotic capital does not lead to a feminist subversion of economy, but reinforces the liberal economic and political system that relies on a masculine and androcentric epistemology. The subjectivity that women can achieve through the exploitation of erotic capital is only as consumers and not as productive agents.El objetivo de este artículo es arrojar luz sobre si el capital erótico puede ser considerado una herramienta feminista para la subversión de las jerarquías y relaciones económicas y favorecer una liberación de las mujeres. Para ello, observaremos cómo el feminismo blanco y liberal, ha construido sus peticiones sin cuestionar los principios fundamentales de la economía liberal con el objetivo de demostrar la relación que existe entre el feminismo blanco liberal cisgénero y el sistema político-económico liberal. Este artículo demuestra que la implementación del capital erótico no conduce a una subversión feminista de la economía, sino que fortalece el sistema económico y político liberal que se fundamenta en una epistemología masculina y androcéntrica. La subjetividad a la que acceden las mujeres por medio del capital erótico es en clave de consumidoras. (shrink)

La presente obra reúne los temas imprescindibles de un curso de filosofía política, dirigido tanto a estudiantes como a lectores interesados en la historia, los fundamentos y las implicaciones actuales de esta disciplina. La primera parte trata de la tradición liberal, los socialismos, las dimensiones del nacionalismo, el feminismo como proyecto filosófico-político y la institución de la democracia. La segunda parte aborda en profundidad un amplio abanico de cuestiones, desde la globalización o los problemas de legitimación del poder, (...) pasando por las relaciones entre Estado y nación, los derechos humanos como legado de la Modernidad o la actualidad y perspectivas de la ciudadanía, hasta la multiculturalidad y la inmigración, los movimientos sociales, la ecología o la justicia social. (shrink)

Mientras Carole Pateman (1988) afirma que «para las feministas la democracia no ha existido jamás», Julieta Kirkwood (1986) sostiene que «no hay democracia sin feminismo». Ambas aluden a la deuda del ideal democrático con la emancipación de las mujeres, e incluso a la función estructural de la exclusión de las mujeres en la democracia liberal. A partir de los encuentros y desencuentros entre democracia y feminismo, el presente artículo pretende ofrecer una definición de la democracia feminista que (...) vaya más allá de la inclusión a través de la acción afirmativa, abordando las tensiones que esta genera en el debate feminista de las últimas décadas y los nuevos desafíos en torno a las políticas de redistribución y de reconocimiento. ¿Es posible superar la opresión y la dominación a partir de políticas centradas en el interés de grupo? ¿Cómo se define ese interés sin esencializar la diferencia? Responder a estas preguntas resulta clave para plantear un concepto eficaz de democracia feminista. (shrink)

Desde la crítica feminista a John Rawls y la teoría del reconocimiento de Axel Honneth, se propone ampliar la noción liberal de justicia social para que las relaciones de amor y cuidado recuperen su papel vital. Se examina en qué medida y sentido la vida familiar constituye una esfera de justicia para mostrar cómo, además de la regulación externa, es necesaria una mirada valorativa de sus relaciones internas, sin olvidar que en la familia intervienen virtudes que exceden a la (...) justicia. (shrink)

RESUMEN Desde la crítica feminista a John Rawls y la teoría del reconocimiento de Axel Honneth, se propone ampliar la noción liberal de justicia social para que las relaciones de amor y cuidado recuperen su papel vital. Se examina en qué medida y sentido la vida familiar constituye una esfera de justicia para mostrar cómo, además de la regulación externa, es necesaria una mirada valorativa de sus relaciones internas, sin olvidar que en la familia intervienen virtudes que exceden a (...) la justicia. ABSTRACT On the basis of the feminist critique of John Rawls and of Axel Honneth's theory of recognition, the paper suggests a broader liberal notion of social justice that reinstates the vital role of the relationships of love and care. It examines to what extent and in what sense family life constitutes a sphere of justice, in order to show that, in addition to external regulation, an evaluative approach of its internal relations is necessary, without neglecting the fact that virtues that go beyond justice are at stake in the family. (shrink)

La recepción durante el siglo XX se preguntó si la filosofía nietzscheana era a-, im- o anti-política, es decir, si podía ser asimilada por la democracia, o si era antimoderna, elitista y reaccionaria. El italiano Roberto Esposito ha propuesto leerla como formando e informando el paradigma de la biopolítica. Se discuten cuatro lecturas de esa biopolítica: como formadora del paradigma de la inmunidad, como tanatopolítica, como liberal y neoliberal, y como biopolítica afirmativa. Twentieth-century readers wondered if Nietzschean philosophy was (...) apolitical, impolitic, or anti-political; that is, if it could be assimilated by democracy or if it was antimodern, elitist, and reactionary. The Italian philosopher Robert Esposito has proposed reading Nietzsche's philosophy as forming and informing the biopolitical paradigm. Four readings of these biopolitics are discussed: as part of the paradigm of immunity, as thanatopolitics, as liberal and neoliberal, and as affirmative biopolitics. (shrink)

John Riley 'A (Ukrainian) Life in Soviet Film: Liber's _Alexander Dovzhenko_' _Film-Philosophy_, vol. 7 no. 31, September 2003.

Individual, family, economic, and other forms of people suffering impact organizations. Suffering in the workplace is probably a more common occurrence than expected in everyday life, and opposite to health and employee wellbeing. According to the World Health Organization, 300 million people worldwide struggle with depression and close to 800.000 people die due to suicide every year. The European Survey on Working Conditions in the European Union gathers the most varied aspects of working conditions, such as the duration of the (...) working day, relationships between collaborators in organizations, or healthy work habits. Among the results of that survey it is noteworthy that almost half of the close to twenty-two thousand workers surveyed in the 27 member countries stated that they felt uneasiness due to the conditions of their work. (shrink)

In one of his earliest dialogues, the Soliloquia, Augustine identifies the liberal arts (disciplinae) with truth (veritas), and employs this somewhat puzzling identification as a premise in his infamous proof of the immortality of the soul (Sol. 2.24). In this paper, I examine Augustine’s argument for this peculiar identification. Augustine maintains both (1) that the constituent propositions of the liberal arts are true, and (2) that the liberal art of dialectic (disciplina disputandi) is the “truth through which (...) all disciplines are true” (Sol. 2.21). I argue that Augustine identifies the liberal arts with truth because (1) the constituent propositions of the liberal arts are learned, and (2) dialectic’s structure is essential to the liberal arts. I further suggest that the subject matter of each liberal art reflects a distinct segment of intelligible reality, that is, the realm of the intelligible Forms. (shrink)

In this provocative book, philosopher Nicholas Agar defends the idea that parents should be allowed to enhance their children’s characteristics. Gets away from fears of a Huxleyan ‘Brave New World’ or a return to the fascist eugenics of the past Written from a philosophically and scientifically informed point of view Considers real contemporary cases of parents choosing what kind of child to have Uses ‘moral images’ as a way to get readers with no background in philosophy to think about moral (...) dilemmas Provides an authoritative account of the science involved, making the book suitable for readers with no knowledge of genetics Creates a moral framework for assessing all new technologies. (shrink)

In this provocative book, philosopher Nicholas Agar defends the idea that parents should be allowed to enhance their children’s characteristics. Gets away from fears of a Huxleyan ‘Brave New World’ or a return to the fascist eugenics of the past Written from a philosophically and scientifically informed point of view Considers real contemporary cases of parents choosing what kind of child to have Uses ‘moral images’ as a way to get readers with no background in philosophy to think about moral (...) dilemmas Provides an authoritative account of the science involved, making the book suitable for readers with no knowledge of genetics Creates a moral framework for assessing all new technologies. (shrink)

Institutions promoting republican freedom as non-domination are commonly believed to differ significantly from institutions promoting negative freedom as non-interference. Philip Pettit, the most prominent contemporary defender of this view, also maintains that these republican institutions are neutral between the different conceptions of the good that characterise a modern society. This paper shows why these two views are incompatible. By analysing the institutional requirements Pettit takes as constitutive of republican freedom, I show how they also promote negative freedom by reducing overall (...) interference. To avoid this result, republican institutions must be more restrictive and require that citizens conform to a life of political engagement. But then republican freedom will not be a neutral ideal. Rejecting negative freedom therefore means sacrificing neutrality. (shrink)

This article explores the question of whether it is morally permissible for the liberal state to require schools to teach religions “neutrally” to children. I examine this question through the normative analysis of Canadian Supreme Court case Loyola High School v. Quebec. I argue that it is in principle morally impermissible for the liberal state to oblige all schools to adopt a neutral approach to teaching children about religious diversity. I propose a normative framework for evaluating the legitimacy (...) of such an imposition and identify a strategy in support of accommodating schools like Loyola that does not appeal to the existence of a strong parental right to control their children’s education. (shrink)

The application of artificial intelligence (AI) to judicial decision-making has already begun in many jurisdictions around the world. While AI seems to promise greater fairness, access to justice, and legal certainty, issues of discrimination and transparency have emerged and put liberal democratic principles under pressure, most notably in the context of bail decisions. Despite this, there has been no systematic analysis of the risks to liberal democratic values from implementing AI into judicial decision-making. This article sets out to (...) fill this void by identifying and engaging with challenges arising from artificial judicial decision-making, focusing on three pillars of liberal democracy, namely equal treatment of citizens, transparency, and judicial independence. Methodologically, the work takes a comparative perspective between human and artificial decision-making, using the former as a normative benchmark to evaluate the latter. -/- The chapter first argues that AI that would improve on equal treatment of citizens has already been developed, but not yet adopted. Second, while the lack of transparency in AI decision-making poses severe risks which ought to be addressed, AI can also increase the transparency of options and trade-offs that policy makers face when considering the consequences of artificial judicial decision-making. Such transparency of options offers tremendous benefits from a democratic perspective. Third, the overall shift of power from human intuition to advanced AI may threaten judicial independence, and with it the separation of powers. While improvements regarding discrimination and transparency are available or on the horizon, it remains unclear how judicial independence can be protected, especially with the potential development of advanced artificial judicial intelligence (AAJI). Working out the political and legal infrastructure to reap the fruits of artificial judicial intelligence in a safe and stable manner should become a priority of future research in this area. (shrink)

Caring for Liberalism brings together chapters that explore how liberal political theory, in its many guises, might be modified or transformed to take the fact of dependency on board. In addressing the place of care in liberalism, this collection advances the idea that care ethics can help respond to legitimate criticisms from feminists who argue that liberalism ignores issues of race, class, and ethnicity. The chapters do not simply add care to existing liberal political frameworks; rather, they explore (...) how integrating dependency might leave core components of the traditional liberal philosophical apparatus intact, while transforming other aspects of it. Additionally, the contributors address the design of social and political institutions through which care is given and received, with special attention paid to non-Western care practices. This book will appeal to scholars working on liberalism in philosophy, political science, law, and public policy, and it is a must-read for feminist political philosophers. (shrink)

As neither a classical naturalist nor a non-naturalist, Merleau-Ponty appears to be a moderate or liberal naturalist. But can a phenomenologist really be a naturalist, even a liberal one? A lot hinges on how we tease this out, both as to whether it is plausible to claim Merleau-Ponty as a liberal naturalist (I argue it is), and as to whether it is an attractive and coherent position. Indeed, despite its important challenges to orthodox naturalism, there are arguably (...) two traps to avoid. If it becomes too liberal, we get: dualism or an ontological pluralism that is difficult to distinguish from a constructivism; or, in seeking to sidestep that metaphysical dilemma, there is sometimes an insistence on an overly neat methodological separation between description/understanding and explanation that is belied in practice (both scientific and philosophical). It is doubtful that such positions can legitimately claim to be naturalist in orientation, liberal or not. Merleau-Ponty’s philosophy avoids these traps, however, and it is thus a useful resource for contemporary work trying to navigate between scientific naturalism and non-naturalism. (shrink)

In this article I propose the concept of care as an organizing principle of John Stuart Mill’s theory of liberal utilitarianism. While both critics and proponents of Mill’s theory see his commitment to character development as a distinct feature of his utilitarianism, the specific type of character he promotes has received scant attention. Through a close reading of Mill’s Collected Works, with an emphasis on Utilitarianism, I argue that a commitment to caring characters is central to making sense of (...) Mill’s theory of utility and the tensions found between his individualistic commitment to the harm principle and the seemingly illiberal implications of his utilitarianism. I further argue that Mill’s concept of care, rather than being a type of sympathy, shows a close affinity to the concept of care developed in care ethics. I conclude with an observation of how Mill’s commitment to care helps explain his consistent support for Britain’s colonial endeavors, though in a direction different from conventional readings that connect his paternalistic account of human nature with the justification of colonial rule. (shrink)

The author argues that the free society should not be seen as a hierarchy of superior and subordinate authorities but an archipelago of competing and overlapping jurisdictions. Kukathas has produced the book that no one with an interest in multiculturalism can afford to ignore.

"John Rawls's A Theory of Justice has been widely acclaimed as a book whose influence on the discussion of central questions in moral and political philosophy will be permanent. A brief review, writes Dr. Barry, would be of little more value than would be a brief review of Hobbes's Leviathan; instead, in this book he interprets Rawls's main tenets and discusses them with appropriate thoroughness. The book is in three parts. Chapters 1-5 set Rawls's theory in its intellectual context and (...) give an account of its basic features. Chapters 6-11 examine Rawls's claim to have advanced 'two principles of justice' and provided a logical deduction of them by showing that men denied various kinds of information about themselves and their society would choose them as the most rational way of advancing their 'conception of the good'. Chapters 12-15 extend the discussion to cover the most important of Rawls's economic and political deductions. Dr. Barry's argument is that Rawls's 'theory of justice' does not work; but that A Theory of Justice is nonetheless a work with which 'anyone in future who proposes to deal with any of the topics it touches must first come to terms'. His critique may be read either in conjunction with A Theory of Justice (there is a concordance of passages discussed) or independently of it." -- Backcover. (shrink)

My aim in this chapter is to push back against the tendency to emphasize Mill’s break from Bentham rather than his debt to him. Mill made important advances on Bentham’s views, but I believe there remains a shared core to their thinking—over and above their commitment to the principle of utility itself—that has been underappreciated. Essentially, I believe that the structure of Mill’s utilitarian thought owes a great debt to Bentham even if he filled in that structure with a richer (...) conception of human nature and developed it in more liberal directions. This commonality is revealed, in particular, in Mill’s own institutional designs and practical reform proposals in Considerations on Representative Government and related writings. If this is right, then the tendency of interpreters to highlight their differences rather than their similarities has been to the detriment of both Mill and Bentham scholarship, and so to our understanding of the rise of liberal utilitarianism. (shrink)

Philosophers and psychologists have been attracted to two differing accounts of addictive motivation. In this paper, we investigate these two accounts and challenge their mutual claim that addictions compromise a person’s self-control. First, we identify some incompatibilities between this claim of reduced self-control and the available evidence from various disciplines. A critical assessment of the evidence weakens the empirical argument for reduced autonomy. Second, we identify sources of unwarranted normative bias in the popular theories of addiction that introduce systematic errors (...) in interpreting the evidence. By eliminating these errors, we are able to generate a minimal, but correct account, of addiction that presumes addicts to be autonomous in their addictive behavior, absent further evidence to the contrary. Finally, we explore some of the implications of this minimal, correct view. (shrink)

The purposes of higher education in general and of university education in particular have long been subject to controversy. Whereas for some, the main role of universities is to provide professional and vocational education and training and their benefits are to be measured in terms of social or economic utility, their value for others is to be seen more in terms of the liberal development and promotion of certain intrinsically worthwhile qualities of mind and intellect. In this context, indeed, (...) much recent literature on university education has been concerned to reaffirm what are usually taken to have been the liberal purposes of bygone university education over the more instrumental or vocational agendas of much contemporary university and higher education. While recognising, along with other treatments of this issue, that it is to some extent implicated in a false dichotomy between the liberal and the vocational, this paper seeks a clearer rationale for the liberal dimensions and aspirations of university education. (shrink)

This chapter discusses the Rawlsian project of public reason, or public justification-based 'political' liberalism, and its reception. After a brief philosophical rather than philological reconstruction of the project, the chapter revolves around a distinction between idealist and realist responses to it. Focusing on political liberalism’s critical reception illuminates an overarching question: was Rawls’s revival of a contractualist approach to liberal legitimacy a fruitful move for liberalism and/or the social contract tradition? The last section contains a largely negative answer to (...) that question. Nonetheless the chapter's conclusion shows that the research programme of political liberalism provided and continues to provide illuminating insights into the limitations of liberal contractualism, especially under conditions of persistent and radical diversity. The programme is, however, less receptive to challenges to do with the relative decline of the power of modern states. (shrink)

I argue against Rawls's claim that the liberal principle of legitimacy would be selected in the original position in addition to a democratic principle. Since a religious democracy could satisfy the democratic principle, the parties in the original position would not exclude it as illegitimate.