Search results for 'Prejudice' (try it on Scholar)

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  1.  11
    Karen Frost-Arnold (2016). Social Media, Trust, and the Epistemology of Prejudice. Social Epistemology 30 (5-6):513-531.
    Ignorance of one’s privileges and prejudices is an epistemic problem. While the sources of ignorance of privilege and prejudice are increasingly understood, less clarity exists about how to remedy ignorance. In fact, the various causes of ignorance can seem so powerful, various, and mutually reinforcing that studying the epistemology of ignorance can inspire pessimism about combatting socially constructed ignorance. I argue that this pessimism is unwarranted. The testimony of members of oppressed groups can often help members of privileged groups (...)
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  2. Endre Begby (2013). The Epistemology of Prejudice. Thought: A Journal of Philosophy 2 (1):90-99.
    According to a common view, prejudice always involves some form of epistemic culpability, i.e., a failure to respond to evidence in the appropriate way. I argue that the common view wrongfully assumes that prejudices always involve universal generalizations. After motivating the more plausible thesis that prejudices typically involve a species of generic judgment, I show that standard examples provide no grounds for positing a strong connection between prejudice and epistemic culpability. More generally, the common view fails to recognize (...)
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  3. David A. H. Wilson (2009). Racial Prejudice and the Performing Animals Controversy in Early Twentieth-Century Britain. Society and Animals 17 (2):149-165.
    This paper attempts to show how racial prejudice and selective, usually inarticulate, racial discrimination influenced attempts to conduct an objective examination of charges of cruelty in the training and exhibition of performing animals in Britain in the early twentieth century. As the debate intensified, and following the appointment of a parliamentary Select Committee, one explanation often given by both sides for shortcomings in the treatment of performing animals was the alleged cruelty particularly or exclusively attributable to the “alien enemy,” (...)
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  4.  20
    Noell Birondo (2016). Virtue and Prejudice: Giving and Taking Reasons. The Monist 99 (2):212-223.
    The most long-standing criticism of virtue ethics in its traditional, eudaimonistic variety centers on its apparently foundational appeal to nature in order to provide a source of normativity. This paper argues that a failure to appreciate both the giving and taking of reasons in sustaining an ethical outlook can distort a proper understanding of the available options for this traditional version of virtue ethics. To insist only on giving reasons, without also taking (maybe even considering) the reasons provided by others, (...)
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  5.  15
    Agustín Ibáñez, Andrés Haye, Ramiro González, Esteban Hurtado & Rodrigo Henríquez (2009). Multi‐Level Analysis of Cultural Phenomena: The Role of ERPs Approach to Prejudice. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 39 (1):81-110.
    Brain processes and social processes are not as separated as many of our Social Psychology and Neuroscience departments. This paper discusses the potential contribution of social neuroscience to the development of a multi-level, dynamic, and context-sensitive approach to prejudice. Specifically, the authors review research on event related potentials during social bias, stereotypes, and social attitudes measurements, showing that electrophysiological methods are powerful tools for analyzing the temporal fine-dynamics of psychological processes involved in implicit and explicit prejudice. Meta-theoretical implications (...)
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  6.  13
    Brent D. Slife & Jeffrey S. Reber (2009). The Prejudice Against Prejudice: A Reply to the Comments. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 29 (2):128-136.
    After discussing a prominent theme of many of the comments, the prejudice against prejudice, the points at issue in this dialogue are explicated by addressing six questions: Issue 1: Are we trying to make psychology into a theistic enterprise? Issue 2: Are we ultimately arguing for some kind of dualism? Issue 3: Does theism’s involvement make science impossible? Issue 4: Is psychology’s treatment of theism truly a form of prejudice? Issue 5: Are some approaches to inquiry basically (...)
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  7.  11
    James E. Alcock (2009). Prejudice or Propaganda. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 29 (2):80-84.
    Slife and Reber accuse psychology of harboring a hidden, albeit unintentional, bias against theism in violation of the spirit of the American Psychological Association Council of Representatives resolution on religious prejudice. However, they are mistaken in categorizing a bias against theism in psychological research and theory as religious prejudice. Moreover, their discussion of religious prejudice morphs into promotion of Christian theology. 2012 APA, all rights reserved).
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  8.  10
    Todd B. Davis (1995). Deconstructing Prejudice: A Levinasian Alternative. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 15 (1):72-83.
    Presents an alternative to the traditional explanations of prejudice. Prejudice, according to E. Levinas , becomes a possibility of pre-judgment, but only after one takes account of the moral obligation one has to others with whom one shares the world. Consistent with Levinas, it is proposed that the traditional problems of prejudice occur only when a person or group of people refuse to find definition of their humanity in the face of others with whom they share the (...)
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  9.  4
    Kenneth J. Gergen (2009). The Problem of Prejudice in Plural Worlds. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 29 (2):97-101.
    This is to agree with Slife and Reber that the field of psychology has been negatively biased toward theism. However, accusations of bias or prejudice typically presume that with an even assay of available evidence, that such dispositions would be erased. In a world of multiple constructions of reality, morality, and justice, such an assumption is wholly unwarranted. The present article approaches the presence of multiple worlds from a social constructionist perspective. Proposed are a number of arguments to support (...)
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  10. Andreas Dorschel (2000). Rethinking Prejudice. Ashgate.
    The expulsion of prejudice is the centrepiece of intellectual progress, as it has been understood since the Enlightenment. that this fight has not been successful since is obvious, but this does not invalidate it. There is no reason to believe that people in the 20th century had fewer (rather than merely different) prejudices than people had in the 18th century; yet we might simply conclude that the fight has not been conducted resolutely enough. The question whether or not this (...)
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  11.  15
    Alex Madva & Michael Brownstein (forthcoming). Stereotypes, Prejudice, and the Taxonomy of the Implicit Social Mind. Noûs.
    How do cognition and affect interact to produce action? Research in intergroup psychology illuminates this question by investigating the relationship between stereotypes and prejudices about social groups. Yet it is now clear that many social attitudes are implicit (roughly, nonconscious or involuntary). This raises the question: how does the distinction between cognition and affect apply to implicit mental states? An influential view—roughly analogous to a Humean theory of action—is that “implicit stereotypes” and “implicit prejudices” constitute two separate constructs, reflecting different (...)
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  12.  15
    Anthony Vincent Fernandez (2016). Language, Prejudice, and the Aims of Hermeneutic Phenomenology: Terminological Reflections on “Mania". Journal of Psychopathology 22 (1):21-29.
    In this paper I examine the ways in which our language and terminology predetermine how we approach, investigate and conceptualise mental illness. I address this issue from the standpoint of hermeneutic phenomenology, and my primary object of investigation is the phenomenon referred to as “mania”. Drawing on resources from classical phenomenology, I show how phenomenologists attempt to overcome their latent presuppositions and prejudices in order to approach “the matters themselves”. In other words, phenomenologists are committed to the idea that in (...)
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  13.  15
    Marcus Schulzke (2016). The Social Benefits of Protecting Hate Speech and Exposing Sources of Prejudice. Res Publica 22 (2):225-242.
    I argue that there are strong consequentialist grounds for thinking that hate speech should be legally protected. The protection of hate speech allows those who are hateful to make their beliefs public, thereby exposing prejudices that might otherwise be suppressed to evaluation by other members of society. This greater transparency about prejudices has two social benefits. First, it facilitates social trust by making it easier to discover who holds beliefs that should exclude them from positions of authority, responsibility, and influence. (...)
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  14.  5
    Jana R. Noel (1996). Self, Community and the Overcoming of Prejudice. Studies in Philosophy and Education 15 (1-2):131-137.
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  15.  5
    Gerald Grace (2003). Educational Studies and Faith-Based Schooling: Moving From Prejudice to Evidence-Based Argument. British Journal of Educational Studies 51 (2):149 - 167.
    Much of the political and public debate about faith-based schooling is conducted at the level of generalised assertion and counterassertion, with little reference to educational scholarship or research. There is a tendency in these debates to draw upon historical images of faith schooling (idealised and critical); to use ideological advocacy (both for and against) and to deploy strong claims about the effects of faith-based schooling upon personal and intellectual autonomy and the wider consequences of such schooling for social harmony, race (...)
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  16. Nicholas Smith (forthcoming). “The World Beyond Europe as Spirit: Transcendental Prejudice and Phenomenology”. Logos Kai Fainomenon (Tokyo, 2015).
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  17.  8
    Florian Cova & Hichem Naar (forthcoming). Do Intuitions About Frankfurt-Style Cases Rest on an Internalist Prejudice? Philosophical Explorations:1-16.
    “Frankfurt-style cases” (FSCs) are widely considered as having refuted the Principle of Alternate Possibilities (PAP) by presenting cases in which an agent is morally responsible even if he could not have done otherwise. However, Neil Levy has recently argued that FSCs fail because (i) our intuitions about cases involving counterfactual interveners (CIs) are inconsistent (we accept that the mere presence of CIs is enough to make us gain but not lose responsibility-underwriting capacities), and (ii) this inconsistency is best explained by (...)
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  18.  9
    Alexander Maron Madva (2012). The Hidden Mechanisms of Prejudice: Implicit Bias and Interpersonal Fluency. Dissertation, Columbia University
    This dissertation is about prejudice. In particular, it examines the theoretical and ethical questions raised by research on implicit social biases. Social biases are termed "implicit" when they are not reported, though they lie just beneath the surface of consciousness. Such biases are easy to adopt but very difficult to introspect and control. Despite this difficulty, I argue that we are personally responsible for our biases and obligated to overcome them if they can bring harm to ourselves or to (...)
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  19.  3
    Karen Frost-Arnold (2016). Social Media, Trust, and the Epistemology of Prejudice. Social Epistemology 30 (5-6):513-531.
    Ignorance of one’s privileges and prejudices is an epistemic problem. While the sources of ignorance of privilege and prejudice are increasingly understood, less clarity exists about how to remedy ignorance. In fact, the various causes of ignorance can seem so powerful, various, and mutually reinforcing that studying the epistemology of ignorance can inspire pessimism about combatting socially constructed ignorance. I argue that this pessimism is unwarranted. The testimony of members of oppressed groups can often help members of privileged groups (...)
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  20.  75
    Michelle Mason (2001). Moral Prejudice and Aesthetic Deformity: Rereading Hume's "of the Standard of Taste". Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 59 (1):59-71.
    Despite appeals to Hume in debates over moralism in art criticism, we lack an adequate account of Hume’s moralist aesthetics, as presented in “Of the Standard of Taste.” I illuminate that aesthetics by pursuing a problem, the moral prejudice dilemma, that arises from a tension between the “freedom from prejudice” Hume requires of aesthetic judges and what he says about the relevance of moral considerations to art evaluation. I disarm the dilemma by investigating the taxonomy of prejudices by (...)
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  21. Evelyn B. Pluhar (1995). Beyond Prejudice: The Moral Significance of Human and Nonhuman Animals. Duke University Press Books.
    In _Beyond Prejudice_, Evelyn B. Pluhar defends the view that any sentient conative being—one capable of caring about what happens to him or herself—is morally significant, a view that supports the moral status and rights of many nonhuman animals. Confronting traditional and contemporary philosophical arguments, she offers in clear and accessible fashion a thorough examination of theories of moral significance while decisively demonstrating the flaws in the arguments of those who would avoid attributing moral rights to nonhumans. Exposing the traditional (...)
     
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  22.  12
    Emrys Westacott (2015). How Not to Accuse Someone of Prejudice. Think 14 (41):21-29.
    In discussions of racism, sexism, and other forms of prejudice, two kinds of fallacious reasoning sometimes appear: the and the. The first fallacy treats someone's subjective response to a comment as sufficient evidence of prejudice or insensitivity. This fails to acknowledge that the reasonableness of the response is always an open question. The second fallacy involves dismissing what people accused of prejudice say in their defence on the grounds that the privileged always speak that way. This insultingly (...)
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  23.  87
    Nancy Fraser (2000). Why Overcoming Prejudice is Not Enough: A Rejoinder to Richard Rorty. Critical Horizons 1 (1):21-28.
    Misrecognition, taken seriously as unjust social subordination, cannot be remedied by eliminating prejudice alone. In this rejoinder to Richard Rorty, it is argued that a politics of recognition and a politics of redistribution can and should be combined. However, an identity politics that displaces redistribution and reifies group differences is deeply flawed. Here, instead, an alternative 'status' model of recognition politics is offered that encourages struggles to overcome status subordination and fosters parity of participation. Integrating this politics of recognition (...)
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  24.  6
    Julie Van de Vyver, Diane M. Houston, Dominic Abrams & Milica Vasiljevic, Boosting Belligerence: How the July 7, 2005, London Bombings Affected Liberals’ Moral Foundations and Prejudice.
    Major terrorist events, such as the recent attacks in Ankara, Sinai, and Paris, can have profound effects on a nation’s values, attitudes, and prejudices. Yet psychological evidence testing the impact of such events via data collected immediately before and after an attack is understandably rare. In the present research, we tested the independent and joint effects of threat and political ideology on endorsement of moral foundations and prejudices among two nationally representative samples about 6 weeks before and 1 month after (...)
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  25.  19
    Guy Madison, Fredrik Ullén & John Dixon (2012). Statistical Learning and Prejudice. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):440.
    Human behavior is guided by evolutionarily shaped brain mechanisms that make statistical predictions based on limited information. Such mechanisms are important for facilitating interpersonal relationships, avoiding dangers, and seizing opportunities in social interaction. We thus suggest that it is essential for analyses of prejudice and prejudice reduction to take the predictive accuracy and adaptivity of the studied prejudices into account.
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  26.  19
    Dominic Abrams, Milica Vasiljevic & Hazel M. Wardrop (2012). Prejudice Reduction, Collective Action, and Then What? Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):425-426.
    Despite downsides, it must, on balance, be good to reduce prejudice. Despite upsides, collective action can also have destructive outcomes. Improving intergroup relations requires multiple levels of analysis involving a broader approach to prejudice reduction, awareness of potential conflict escalation, development of intergroup understanding, and promotion of a wider human rights perspective.
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  27.  1
    B. Carrington & G. Short (1993). Probing Childrens Prejudice - A Consideration Of The Ethical And Methodological Issues Raised By Research And Curriculum-Development. Educational Studies 19 (2):163-179.
    Since the mid-1980s many schools in predominantly white areas have taken active steps to counter racism and ethnocentrism and raise awareness of Britain's ethnic diversity through curriculum development. This paper is primarily concerned with the ethical issues raised by research into such initiatives at primary school level. We begin by alluding very briefly to the shortcomings of extant research into children's prejudice, noting that some studies can be criticised for the unwitting reinforcement of stereotypes. We move on to examine (...)
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  28.  16
    John Dixon, Mark Levine, Steve Reicher, Kevin Durrheim, Dominic Abrams, Mark Alicke, Michal Bilewicz, Rupert Brown, Eric P. Charles & John Drury (2012). Beyond Prejudice: Are Negative Evaluations the Problem and is Getting Us to Like One Another More the Solution? Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):411.
    For most of the history of prejudice research, negativity has been treated as its emotional and cognitive signature, a conception that continues to dominate work on the topic. By this definition, prejudice occurs when we dislike or derogate members of other groups. Recent research, however, has highlighted the need for a more nuanced and (Eagly 2004) perspective on the role of intergroup emotions and beliefs in sustaining discrimination. On the one hand, several independent lines of research have shown (...)
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  29.  16
    Maureen Linker (2011). Do Squirrels Eat Hamburgers?: Intellectual Empathy as a Remedy for Residual Prejudice. Informal Logic 31 (2):110-138.
    In her 2007 book "Epistemic Injustice" Miranda Fricker argues that "the silent by products of residual prejudice in a liberal society" are often the most difficult biases to eradicate. In this essay, I provide several examples of the kind of residual prejudice Fricker describes. I then propose a principle of "intellectual empathy" (with four component elements) as a methodological remedy for eradicating this kind of bias in good critical thinking.
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  30.  7
    Alice H. Eagly & Amanda B. Diekman (2012). Prejudice in Context Departs From Attitudes Toward Groups. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):431-432.
    The analysis offered by Dixon et al. fails to acknowledge that the attitudes that drive prejudice are attitudes that are constructed in particular contexts. These attitudes can diverge strongly from attitudes toward the group in general. Social change is thus best achieved through challenging the requirements of roles and by changing group stereotypes.
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  31.  33
    Peter Kivy (2011). Remarks on the Varieties of Prejudice in Hume's Essay on Taste. Journal of Scottish Philosophy 9 (1):111-114.
    The last of Hume's five requirements of the ‘‘true judge in the finer arts’’, is that he be ‘‘cleared of all prejudice……'. I argue here that, lurking in this innocuous-sounding requirement of the true judge, is a complexity that reveals a significant tension in Hume's argument. It is that tension that I want briefly to explore.
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  32.  41
    John Michael McGuire (2007). Actions, Reasons, and Intentions: Overcoming Davidson's Ontological Prejudice. Dialogue 46 (3):459-479.
    This article defends the idea that causal relations between reasons and actions are wholly irrelevant to the explanatory efficacy of reason-explanations. The analysis of reason-explanations provided in this article shows that the so-called “problem of explanatory force” is solved, not by putative causal relations between the reasons for which agents act and their actions, but rather by the intentions that agents necessarily have when they act for a reason. Additionally, the article provides a critique of the principal source of support (...)
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  33. Jon Mills & Janusz A. Polanowski (eds.) (1997). The Ontology of Prejudice. Rodopi.
    This book offers a bold and controversial new thesis regarding the nature of prejudice. The authors' central claim is that prejudice is not simply learned, rather it is predisposed in all human beings and is thus the foundation for ethical valuation. They aim to destroy the illusion that prejudice is merely the result of learned beliefs, socially conditioned attitudes, or pathological states of development. Contrary to traditional accounts, prejudice itself is not a negative attribute of human (...)
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  34.  7
    Caroline Howarth, Wolfgang Wagner, Shose Kessi & Ragini Sen (2012). The Politics of Moving Beyond Prejudice. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):437-438.
    Dixon et al. have highlighted the importance of a political conceptualisation of intergroup relations that challenges individualising models of social change. As important as this paper is for the development of critical debates in psychology, we can detect at least three issues that warrant further discussion: the cultural and historical conditions of structural inequality and its perception, the marginalisation of post-colonial works on collective mobilisation, and acknowledging the complex perspectives and politics of those targeted by prejudice.
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  35.  2
    Brice R. Wachterhauser (1988). Prejudice, Reason and Force: Brice R. Wachterhauser. Philosophy 63 (244):231-253.
    Perhaps no other aspect of Hans-Georg Gadamer's Wahrheit und Methode has generated more controversy and caustic criticism than his attempt to defend the role of ‘prejudice’ in human understanding. Gadamer's goal in challenging what he calls ‘the Enlightenment's prejudice against prejudice’ is not to defend irresponsible, idiosyncratic, parochial or otherwise self-willed understanding in the human sciences, but to argue that all human cognition is ‘finite’ and ‘limited’ in the sense that it always involves, to borrow Polanyi's phrase, (...)
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  36.  17
    R. E. Ewin (1990). Pride, Prejudice and Shyness. Philosophy 65 (252):137 - 154.
    Those of us who were made to study Pride and Prejudice at school know that Darcy represents pride and Elizabeth represents prejudice. Those of us who have actually read the book know that the situation is a good deal more complicated than that. The motivation for a significant part of the action is Elizabeth's pride, a point that is made quite clearly and is recognized by Elizabeth herself in what sounds like a thoroughly rehearsed speech: ‘How despicably have (...)
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  37.  3
    Darren Langdridge (2012). Heterosexism, Homonegativity, and the Sociopolitical Dangers of Orthodox Models of Prejudice Reduction. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):440.
    Criticism of orthodox models of prejudice reduction is particularly relevant for lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals, particularly when considering stage models of coming-out. If social change is to be effected regarding endemic homonegativity and heterosexism, then it is argued that a radical rethink is needed to the understandable but misinformed desire to get us to like each other more.
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  38.  16
    Ralph Metzner (1998). Pride, Prejudice and Paranoia: Dismantling the Ideology of Domination. World Futures 51 (3):239-267.
    A comparison is made, pointing out the parallels, between five systems of domination?racism, sexism, classism, nationalism and speciesism (the human domination of nature). In each of these, one group of (human) beings asserts its superiority over another group and thereby seems to justify the domination, exploitation and abuse of the oppressed group. An analytical model is then presented that traces the psychological development of domination behavior through four stages: (1) perception of difference and group identification, (2) pride and self?affirmation, (3) (...)
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  39. Nikk Effingham, Cultural Prejudice and the Plenitude Principle.
    The Plenitude Principle is that for every filled spacetime region, there is an object that is exactly located at that region. Hawthorne motivates it on the grounds that it’s the only way to avoid cultural prejudice with regards to what material objects exist (the argument from cultural prejudice). There is a similar argument for a perdurantist-universalist theory, and the content of this paper applies mutatis mutandis to that argument as well.
     
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  40.  14
    A. O'Rourke (2001). Dealing with Prejudice. Journal of Medical Ethics 27 (2):123-125.
    Few of us are free of all prejudices, however subtle and subconscious, and they may affect both patient care and teaching. Here I use reflection about a patient with HIV infection, from the points of view of two doctors caring for him and the patient himself, to explore prejudice against lifestyles that are considered “dangerous”. The paper then goes on to discuss research about physicians' attitudes to such cases, the teaching of ethics in a clinical environment and the need (...)
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  41.  6
    B. R. Singh (1991). Teaching Methods for Reducing Prejudice and Enhancing Academic Achievement for All Children. Educational Studies 17 (2):157-171.
    Prejudice may be reduced by equal status contact between majority and minority groups in the pursuit of common goals. The effect is greatly enhanced if this contact is sanctioned by institutional support and provided that it is of a sort that leads to the perception of common interests and common humanity between members of the two groups.
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  42.  4
    Ifat Maoz (2012). The Dangers of Prejudice Reduction Interventions: Empirical Evidence From Encounters Between Jews and Arabs in Israel. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):441-442.
    This commentary focuses on Dixon et al.'s discussion on the dangers of employing prejudice-reduction interventions that seek to promote intergroup harmony in historically unequal societies. Specifically, it illustrates these dangers by discussing my work in Israel on the processes and practices through which reconciliation-aimed encounters between Jews and Arabs mitigate sociopolitical change.
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  43.  2
    Jules P. Harrell & Edna Greene Medford (2012). History, Prejudice, and the Study of Social Inequities. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):433-434.
    Integrating a historical perspective into studies of prejudicial attitudes facilitates the interpretation of paradoxical findings of the kind cited in the target article. History also encourages research to move beyond the study of prejudice and to consider institutional and structural forces that maintain social inequities. Multilevel approaches can study these factors in both field and laboratory studies.
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  44.  2
    Mark Schaller & Steven L. Neuberg (2012). Beyond Prejudice to Prejudices. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):445-446.
    Different groups, because they are perceived to pose different threats, elicit different prejudices. Collective action by disadvantaged groups can amplify the perception of specific threats, with predictable and potentially counterproductive consequences. It is important to carefully consider the threat-based psychology of prejudice before implementing any strategy intended to promote positive social change.
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  45.  4
    John Drury (2012). Prejudice is About Politics: A Collective Action Perspective. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):430-431.
    In line with Dixon et al.'s argument, I contend that prejudice should be understood in broadly political rather than in narrowly psychological terms. First, what counts as prejudice is a political judgement. Second, studies of collective action demonstrate that it is in struggles, where subordinate groups together oppose dominant groups, that prejudice can be overcome.
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  46.  4
    John Dixon, Mark Levine, Steve Reicher & Kevin Durrheim (2012). Beyond Prejudice: Relational Inequality, Collective Action, and Social Change Revisited. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):451-466.
    This response clarifies, qualifies, and develops our critique of the limits of intergroup liking as a means of challenging intergroup inequality. It does not dispute that dominant groups may espouse negative attitudes towards subordinate groups. Nor does it dispute that prejudice reduction can be an effective way of tackling resulting forms of intergroup hostility. What it does dispute is the assumption that getting dominant group members and subordinate group members to like each other more is the best way of (...)
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  47.  4
    S. Alexander Haslam & Katherine J. Reynolds (2012). All About Us, but Never About Us: The Three-Pronged Potency of Prejudice. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):435-436.
    Three points that are implicit in Dixon et al.'s paradigm-challenging paper serve to make prejudice potent. First, prejudice reflects understandings of social identity usthem that are shared within particular groups. Second, these understandings are actively promoted by leaders who represent and advance in-group identity. Third, prejudice is identified in out-groups, not in-groups.
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  48.  4
    Melanie Killen, Kelly Lynn Mulvey, Aline Hitti & Adam Rutland (2012). What Works to Address Prejudice? Look to Developmental Science Research for the Answer. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):439.
    Developmental perspectives on prejudice provide a fundamental and important key to the puzzle for determining how to address prejudice. Research with historically disadvantaged and advantaged groups in childhood and adolescence reveals the complexity of social cognitive and moral judgments about prejudice, discrimination, bias, and exclusion. Children are aware of status and hierarchies, and often reject the status quo. Intervention, to be effective, must happen early in development, before prejudice and stereotypes are deeply entrenched.
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  49.  3
    Richard McKeon (1979). "Pride and Prejudice": Thought, Character, Argument, and Plot. Critical Inquiry 5 (3):511-527.
    Justification for reading Pride and Prejudice as a philosophical novel may be found in its much cited and variously interpreted opening sentence: "It is a truth universally acknowledged, that a single man in possession of a good fortune, must be in want of a wife." This universal law is the first principle of a philosophical novel, although I shall also interpret it as the statement of a scientific law of human nature, a characterization of the civility of English society, (...)
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  50.  3
    Michal Bilewicz (2012). Traditional Prejudice Remains Outside of the WEIRD World. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):427-428.
    Dixon et al. accurately describe subtle mechanisms of discrimination that inhibit minorities' collective action in modern democratic societies. This commentary suggests that in contemporary non-Western societies, where ethnic conflicts are more violent, traditional overt forms of prejudice still exist and predict discrimination of ethnic and racial minorities. Thus, prejudice reduction models should and do improve intergroup relations in such contexts.
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