Search results for 'Prejudice' (try it on Scholar)

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  1. Endre Begby (2013). The Epistemology of Prejudice. Thought 2 (1):90-99.score: 24.0
    According to a common view, prejudice always involves some form of epistemic culpability, i.e., a failure to respond to evidence in the appropriate way. I argue that the common view wrongfully assumes that prejudices always involve universal generalizations. After motivating the more plausible thesis that prejudices typically involve a species of generic judgment, I show that standard examples provide no grounds for positing a strong connection between prejudice and epistemic culpability. More generally, the common view fails to recognize (...)
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  2. James E. Alcock (2009). Prejudice or Propaganda. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 29 (2):80-84.score: 21.0
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  3. Brent D. Slife & Jeffrey S. Reber (2009). The Prejudice Against Prejudice: A Reply to the Comments. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 29 (2):128-136.score: 21.0
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  4. Todd B. Davis (1995). Deconstructing Prejudice: A Levinasian Alternative. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 15 (1):72-83.score: 21.0
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  5. Agustín Ibáñez, Andrés Haye, Ramiro González, Esteban Hurtado & Rodrigo Henríquez (2009). Multi‐Level Analysis of Cultural Phenomena: The Role of ERPs Approach to Prejudice. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 39 (1):81-110.score: 21.0
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  6. Kenneth J. Gergen (2009). The Problem of Prejudice in Plural Worlds. Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 29 (2):97-101.score: 21.0
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  7. Gerald Grace (2003). Educational Studies and Faith-Based Schooling: Moving From Prejudice to Evidence-Based Argument. British Journal of Educational Studies 51 (2):149 - 167.score: 21.0
    Much of the political and public debate about faith-based schooling is conducted at the level of generalised assertion and counterassertion, with little reference to educational scholarship or research. There is a tendency in these debates to draw upon historical images of faith schooling (idealised and critical); to use ideological advocacy (both for and against) and to deploy strong claims about the effects of faith-based schooling upon personal and intellectual autonomy and the wider consequences of such schooling for social harmony, race (...)
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  8. David A. H. Wilson (2009). Racial Prejudice and the Performing Animals Controversy in Early Twentieth-Century Britain. Society and Animals 17 (2):149-165.score: 21.0
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  9. Jana R. Noel (1996). Self, Community and the Overcoming of Prejudice. Studies in Philosophy and Education 15 (1-2):131-137.score: 21.0
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  10. Nicholas Smith (forthcoming). “The World Beyond Europe as Spirit: Transcendental Prejudice and Phenomenology”. Logos Kai Fainomenon (Tokyo, 2015).score: 21.0
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  11. Nancy Fraser (2000). Why Overcoming Prejudice is Not Enough: A Rejoinder to Richard Rorty. Critical Horizons 1 (1):21-28.score: 18.0
    Misrecognition, taken seriously as unjust social subordination, cannot be remedied by eliminating prejudice alone. In this rejoinder to Richard Rorty, it is argued that a politics of recognition and a politics of redistribution can and should be combined. However, an identity politics that displaces redistribution and reifies group differences is deeply flawed. Here, instead, an alternative 'status' model of recognition politics is offered that encourages struggles to overcome status subordination and fosters parity of participation. Integrating this politics of recognition (...)
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  12. Michelle Mason (2001). Moral Prejudice and Aesthetic Deformity: Rereading Hume's "of the Standard of Taste&Quot;. Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 59 (1):59-71.score: 18.0
    Despite appeals to Hume in debates over moralism in art criticism, we lack an adequate account of Hume’s moralist aesthetics, as presented in “Of the Standard of Taste.” I illuminate that aesthetics by pursuing a problem, the moral prejudice dilemma, that arises from a tension between the “freedom from prejudice” Hume requires of aesthetic judges and what he says about the relevance of moral considerations to art evaluation. I disarm the dilemma by investigating the taxonomy of prejudices by (...)
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  13. John Michael McGuire (2007). Actions, Reasons, and Intentions: Overcoming Davidson's Ontological Prejudice. Dialogue 46 (3):459-479.score: 18.0
    This article defends the idea that causal relations between reasons and actions are wholly irrelevant to the explanatory efficacy of reason-explanations. The analysis of reason-explanations provided in this article shows that the so-called “problem of explanatory force” is solved, not by putative causal relations between the reasons for which agents act and their actions, but rather by the intentions that agents necessarily have when they act for a reason. Additionally, the article provides a critique of the principal source of support (...)
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  14. Peter Kivy (2011). Remarks on the Varieties of Prejudice in Hume's Essay on Taste. Journal of Scottish Philosophy 9 (1):111-114.score: 18.0
    The last of Hume's five requirements of the ‘‘true judge in the finer arts’’, is that he be ‘‘cleared of all prejudice……'. I argue here that, lurking in this innocuous-sounding requirement of the true judge, is a complexity that reveals a significant tension in Hume's argument. It is that tension that I want briefly to explore.
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  15. Nikk Effingham, Cultural Prejudice and the Plenitude Principle.score: 18.0
    The Plenitude Principle is that for every filled spacetime region, there is an object that is exactly located at that region. Hawthorne motivates it on the grounds that it’s the only way to avoid cultural prejudice with regards to what material objects exist (the argument from cultural prejudice). There is a similar argument for a perdurantist-universalist theory, and the content of this paper applies mutatis mutandis to that argument as well.
     
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  16. Ralph Metzner (1998). Pride, Prejudice and Paranoia: Dismantling the Ideology of Domination. World Futures 51 (3):239-267.score: 18.0
    A comparison is made, pointing out the parallels, between five systems of domination?racism, sexism, classism, nationalism and speciesism (the human domination of nature). In each of these, one group of (human) beings asserts its superiority over another group and thereby seems to justify the domination, exploitation and abuse of the oppressed group. An analytical model is then presented that traces the psychological development of domination behavior through four stages: (1) perception of difference and group identification, (2) pride and self?affirmation, (3) (...)
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  17. John Grier Hibben (1970). A Defence of Prejudice. Freeport, N.Y.,Books for Libraries Press.score: 18.0
    A DEFENCE OF PREJUDICE "][7"HAT is prejudice ? Is it always something unreasonable ? Is it to be regarded necessarily as an intruder among the more sober ...
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  18. Maureen Linker (2011). Do Squirrels Eat Hamburgers?: Intellectual Empathy as a Remedy for Residual Prejudice. Informal Logic 31 (2):110-138.score: 18.0
    In her 2007 book "Epistemic Injustice" Miranda Fricker argues that "the silent by products of residual prejudice in a liberal society" are often the most difficult biases to eradicate. In this essay, I provide several examples of the kind of residual prejudice Fricker describes. I then propose a principle of "intellectual empathy" (with four component elements) as a methodological remedy for eradicating this kind of bias in good critical thinking.
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  19. Dominic Abrams, Milica Vasiljevic & Hazel M. Wardrop (2012). Prejudice Reduction, Collective Action, and Then What? Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):15-16.score: 18.0
    Despite downsides, it must, on balance, be good to reduce prejudice. Despite upsides, collective action can also have destructive outcomes. Improving intergroup relations requires multiple levels of analysis involving a broader approach to prejudice reduction, awareness of potential conflict escalation, development of intergroup understanding, and promotion of a wider human rights perspective.
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  20. S. Alexander Haslam & Katherine J. Reynolds (2012). All About Us, but Never About Us: The Three-Pronged Potency of Prejudice. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):25-26.score: 18.0
    Three points that are implicit in Dixon et al.'s paradigm-challenging paper serve to make prejudice potent. First, prejudice reflects understandings of social identity usthem that are shared within particular groups. Second, these understandings are actively promoted by leaders who represent and advance in-group identity. Third, prejudice is identified in out-groups, not in-groups.
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  21. Melanie Killen, Kelly Lynn Mulvey, Aline Hitti & Adam Rutland (2012). What Works to Address Prejudice? Look to Developmental Science Research for the Answer. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):29-29.score: 18.0
    Developmental perspectives on prejudice provide a fundamental and important key to the puzzle for determining how to address prejudice. Research with historically disadvantaged and advantaged groups in childhood and adolescence reveals the complexity of social cognitive and moral judgments about prejudice, discrimination, bias, and exclusion. Children are aware of status and hierarchies, and often reject the status quo. Intervention, to be effective, must happen early in development, before prejudice and stereotypes are deeply entrenched.
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  22. Kevin G. F. Thomas Melike M. Fourie, Nadine Kilchenmann, Susan Malcolm-Smith (2012). Real-Time Elicitation of Moral Emotions Using a Prejudice Paradigm. Frontiers in Psychology 3.score: 18.0
    Moral emotions are critically important in guiding appropriate social conduct. Empirical investigation of these emotions remains a challenge, however, because of the difficulty in eliciting them reliably in controlled settings. Here we describe a novel prejudice paradigm that aimed to elicit both negatively- and positively-valenced moral emotions in real-time. Low-prejudice females (N = 46) who met highly specific demographic and personality-based screening criteria completed a series of Implicit Association Tests (IATs). Feedback following these IATs was pre-programmed to either (...)
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  23. Michal Bilewicz (2012). Traditional Prejudice Remains Outside of the WEIRD World. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):17-18.score: 18.0
    Dixon et al. accurately describe subtle mechanisms of discrimination that inhibit minorities' collective action in modern democratic societies. This commentary suggests that in contemporary non-Western societies, where ethnic conflicts are more violent, traditional overt forms of prejudice still exist and predict discrimination of ethnic and racial minorities. Thus, prejudice reduction models should and do improve intergroup relations in such contexts.
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  24. Eric P. Charles, Nicholas J. Rowland, Brooke Long & Fritz Yarrison (2012). Insights From Studying Prejudice in the Context of American Atheists. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):19-20.score: 18.0
    Our research on non-religion supports the proposed shift toward more interactive models of prejudice. Being nonreligious is easily hideable and, increasingly, of low salience, leading to experiences not easily understood via traditional or contemporary frameworks for studying prejudice and prejudice reduction. This context affords new opportunity to observe reverse forms of interactive prejudice, which can interfere with prejudice reduction.
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  25. John Dixon, Mark Levine, Steve Reicher, Kevin Durrheim, Dominic Abrams, Mark Alicke, Michal Bilewicz, Rupert Brown, Eric P. Charles & John Drury (2012). Beyond Prejudice: Are Negative Evaluations the Problem and is Getting Us to Like One Another More the Solution? Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):411.score: 18.0
    For most of the history of prejudice research, negativity has been treated as its emotional and cognitive signature, a conception that continues to dominate work on the topic. By this definition, prejudice occurs when we dislike or derogate members of other groups. Recent research, however, has highlighted the need for a more nuanced and (Eagly 2004) perspective on the role of intergroup emotions and beliefs in sustaining discrimination. On the one hand, several independent lines of research have shown (...)
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  26. John Dixon, Mark Levine, Steve Reicher & Kevin Durrheim (2012). Beyond Prejudice: Relational Inequality, Collective Action, and Social Change Revisited. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):41 - 56.score: 18.0
    This response clarifies, qualifies, and develops our critique of the limits of intergroup liking as a means of challenging intergroup inequality. It does not dispute that dominant groups may espouse negative attitudes towards subordinate groups. Nor does it dispute that prejudice reduction can be an effective way of tackling resulting forms of intergroup hostility. What it does dispute is the assumption that getting dominant group members and subordinate group members to like each other more is the best way of (...)
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  27. John Drury (2012). Prejudice is About Politics: A Collective Action Perspective. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):20-21.score: 18.0
    In line with Dixon et al.'s argument, I contend that prejudice should be understood in broadly political rather than in narrowly psychological terms. First, what counts as prejudice is a political judgement. Second, studies of collective action demonstrate that it is in struggles, where subordinate groups together oppose dominant groups, that prejudice can be overcome.
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  28. Guy Madison, Fredrik Ullén & John Dixon (2012). Statistical Learning and Prejudice. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (6):440.score: 18.0
    Human behavior is guided by evolutionarily shaped brain mechanisms that make statistical predictions based on limited information. Such mechanisms are important for facilitating interpersonal relationships, avoiding dangers, and seizing opportunities in social interaction. We thus suggest that it is essential for analyses of prejudice and prejudice reduction to take the predictive accuracy and adaptivity of the studied prejudices into account.
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  29. Ifat Maoz (2012). The Dangers of Prejudice Reduction Interventions: Empirical Evidence From Encounters Between Jews and Arabs in Israel. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):31-32.score: 18.0
    This commentary focuses on Dixon et al.'s discussion on the dangers of employing prejudice-reduction interventions that seek to promote intergroup harmony in historically unequal societies. Specifically, it illustrates these dangers by discussing my work in Israel (now mentioned in Dixon et al.'s note 6) on the processes and practices through which reconciliation-aimed encounters between Jews and Arabs mitigate sociopolitical change.
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  30. B. Carrington & G. Short (1993). Probing Childrens Prejudice - A Consideration Of The Ethical And Methodological Issues Raised By Research And Curriculum-Development. Educational Studies 19 (2):163-179.score: 18.0
    Since the mid-1980s many schools in predominantly white areas have taken active steps to counter racism and ethnocentrism and raise awareness of Britain's ethnic diversity through curriculum development. This paper is primarily concerned with the ethical issues raised by research into such initiatives at primary school level. We begin by alluding very briefly to the shortcomings of extant research into children's prejudice, noting that some studies can be criticised for the unwitting reinforcement of stereotypes. We move on to examine (...)
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  31. Alice H. Eagly & Amanda B. Diekman (2012). Prejudice in Context Departs From Attitudes Toward Groups. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):21-22.score: 18.0
    The analysis offered by Dixon et al. fails to acknowledge that the attitudes that drive prejudice are attitudes that are constructed in particular contexts. These attitudes (e.g., toward men as childcare workers) can diverge strongly from attitudes toward the group in general. Social change is thus best achieved through challenging the requirements of roles and by changing group stereotypes.
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  32. Jules P. Harrell & Edna Greene Medford (2012). History, Prejudice, and the Study of Social Inequities. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):23-24.score: 18.0
    Integrating a historical perspective into studies of prejudicial attitudes facilitates the interpretation of paradoxical findings of the kind cited in the target article. History also encourages research to move beyond the study of prejudice and to consider institutional and structural forces that maintain social inequities. Multilevel approaches can study these factors in both field and laboratory studies.
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  33. Caroline Howarth, Wolfgang Wagner, Shose Kessi & Ragini Sen (2012). The Politics of Moving Beyond Prejudice. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):27-28.score: 18.0
    Dixon et al. have highlighted the importance of a political conceptualisation of intergroup relations that challenges individualising models of social change. As important as this paper is for the development of critical debates in psychology, we can detect at least three issues that warrant further discussion: (a) the cultural and historical conditions of structural inequality and its perception, (b) the marginalisation of post-colonial works on collective mobilisation, and (c) acknowledging the complex perspectives and politics of those targeted by prejudice.
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  34. Darren Langdridge (2012). Heterosexism, Homonegativity, and the Sociopolitical Dangers of Orthodox Models of Prejudice Reduction. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):30-30.score: 18.0
    Criticism of orthodox models of prejudice reduction is particularly relevant for lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals, particularly when considering stage models of coming-out. If social change is to be effected regarding endemic homonegativity and heterosexism, then it is argued that a radical rethink is needed to the understandable but misinformed desire to get us to like each other more.
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  35. Mark Schaller & Steven L. Neuberg (2012). Beyond Prejudice to Prejudices. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):35-36.score: 18.0
    Different groups, because they are perceived to pose different threats, elicit different prejudices. Collective action by disadvantaged groups can amplify the perception of specific threats, with predictable and potentially counterproductive consequences. It is important to carefully consider the threat-based psychology of prejudice(s) before implementing any strategy intended to promote positive social change.
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  36. Stephen C. Wright & Lisa M. Bitacola (2012). Echoing the Call to Move “Beyond Prejudice” in Search of Intergroup Equality. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 1 (1):40-41.score: 18.0
    We also critique the myopic focus on prejudice reduction, but we do not support the call for a reconceptualization of prejudice. Redefining key psychological constructs is unproductive. Also, we point to interpersonal dynamics in cross-group interaction as a key mechanism in the prejudice reduction/collective action paradox and point to solutions involving intrapersonal/interpersonal processes, as well as broader structural intergroup relations.
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  37. Michael D. Barber (2001). Equality and Diversity: Phenomenological Investigations of Prejudice and Discrimination. Humanity Books.score: 17.0
  38. David L. O'Hara (2008). Peirce, Plato and Miracles: On the Mature Peirce's Re-Discovery of Plato and the Overcoming of Nominalistic Prejudice in History. Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society 44 (1):pp. 26-39.score: 16.0
    Twenty-three years ago Robert Ayers noticed several brief and intriguing comments on miracles in the Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce (CP). Working with just those scraps of information from the CP, he stitched together a rough but helpful starting point for understanding this aspect of Peirce's religious and scientific thought. In the last few years several more articles on this subject have been written, each filling in a gap left by the others: Ayers' is a theological view, based solely (...)
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  39. Sarah-Jane Leslie (forthcoming). The Original Sin of Cognition: Fear, Prejudice, and Generalization. Journal of Philosophy.score: 15.0
  40. David Degrazia (2007). Human-Animal Chimeras: Human Dignity, Moral Status, and Species Prejudice. Metaphilosophy 38 (2-3):309–329.score: 15.0
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  41. Evelyn B. Pluhar (1995). Beyond Prejudice: The Moral Significance of Human and Nonhuman Animals. Duke University Press.score: 15.0
    "This book joins the illustrious company of Peter Singer's "Animal Liberation" and Tom Regan's "The Case for Animal Rights" as one of the most important books ...
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  42. Gerald Marsh (2011). Trust, Testimony, and Prejudice in the Credibility Economy. Hypatia 26 (2):280-293.score: 15.0
    In this paper I argue for a special kind of injustice I call “trust injustice.” Taking Miranda Fricker's work on epistemic injustice as my starting point, I argue that there are some ethical constraints on trust relationships. If I am right about this, then we sometimes have duties to maintain trust relationships that are independent of the social roles we play.
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  43. Ted Honderich, Postscript to a German Book Banning -- A Reply to the Absent Professor Micha Brumlik, About Zionism, Neo Zionism, Palestinian Terrorism, and the Prejudice of Semitism.score: 15.0
    In 2003 my book After the Terror in its German translation was condemned as anti semitic by a professor of education at Frankfurt University, Micha Brumlik, also the director of an institute for the study of the Holocaust. The next day the famous German philosopher Jurgen Habermas wrote in the same liberal newspaper, The Frankfurter Rundschau , that the book was not anti semitic. However, he wrote so condescendingly as to distance himself from something charged with anti semitism -- and (...)
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  44. Nicolas de Warren (2005). The Logical Prejudice and Heidegger's Original Truth. Review of Heidegger's Concept of Truth by Daniel O. Dahlstrom. Research in Phenomenology 35 (1):351-360.score: 15.0
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  45. Patrick Allo (2010). A Classical Prejudice? Knowledge, Technology and Policy 23 (1-2):25-40.score: 15.0
    In this paper, I reassess Floridi’s solution to the Bar-Hillel–Carnap paradox (the information yield of inconsistent propositions is maximal) by questioning the orthodox view that contradictions cannot be true. The main part of the paper is devoted to showing that the veridicality thesis (semantic information has to be true) is compatible with dialetheism (there are true contradictions) and that, unless we accept the additional non-falsity thesis (information cannot be false), there is no reason to presuppose that there is no such (...)
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  46. Katherine Hawley (2012). Partiality and Prejudice in Trusting. Synthese (9):1-17.score: 15.0
    You can trust your friends. You should trust your friends. Not all of your friends all of the time: you can reasonably trust different friends to different degrees, and in different domains. Still, we often trust our friends, and it is often reasonable to do so. Why is this? In this paper I explore how and whether friendship gives us reasons to trust our friends, reasons which may outstrip or conflict with our epistemic reasons. In the final section, I will (...)
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  47. Shannon Sullivan (2004). From the Foreign to the Familiar: Confronting Dewey Confronting "Racial Prejudice". Journal of Speculative Philosophy 18 (3):193-202.score: 15.0
  48. Christian Arnsperger & Philippe De Villé (2004). Can Competition Ever Be Fair? Challenging the Standard Prejudice. Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 7 (4):433 - 451.score: 15.0
    In this paper, we challenge the usual argument which says that competition is a fair mechanism because it ranks individuals according to their relative preferences between effort and leisure. This argument, we claim, is very insufficient as a justification of fairness in competition, and we show that it does not stand up to scrutiny once various dynamic aspects of competition are taken into account. Once the sequential unfolding of competition is taken into account, competition turns out to be unfair even (...)
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  49. Jay Newman (1979). Prejudice as Prejudgment. Ethics 90 (1):47-57.score: 15.0
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  50. R. E. Ewin (1990). Pride, Prejudice and Shyness. Philosophy 65 (252):137 - 154.score: 15.0
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