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  1. David Archard (2000). Democratic Procedures and Liberal Consensus by George Klosko Oxford University Press, 2000, £27.50. Philosophy 75 (4):613-626.
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  2. Mark P. Aulisio & Robert M. Arnold (1999). Commentary: A Consensus About "Consensus"? Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 27 (4):328-331.
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  3. Joshua Finnell (2012). Post-Anarchism: A Reader. [REVIEW] Journal for the Study of Radicalism 6 (1).
  4. A. Boyce Gibson (1951). Nature and Convention in the Democratic State. Australasian Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):1 – 20.
  5. Mark Haugaard (1997). The Consensual Basis of Conflictual Power: A Critical Response to "Using Power, Fighting Power" by Jane Mansbridge. Constellations 3 (3):401-406.
  6. James Johnson (1997). Communication, Criticism, and the Postmodern Consensus: An Unfashionable Interpretation of Michel Foucault. Political Theory 25 (4):559-583.
    A critique is not a matter of saying that things are not right as they are. It is a matter of pointing out on what kinds of assumptions, what kinds of familiar, unchallenged, unconsidered modes of thought, the practices that we accept rest.... Criticism is a matter of flushing out that thought and trying to change it: to show that things are not as self-evident as one believed, to see that what is accepted as self-evident will no longer be accepted (...)
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  7. Matthew Lister (2016). Self-Determination, Dissent, and the Problem of Population Transfers. In Fernando R. Tesón (ed.), The Theory of Self-Determination. Cambridge University Press 145-165.
    Many of the major self-determination movements of the 20th and early 21st Centuries did not go smoothly, but resulted in forced or semi-forced transfers of groups of people from one country to another. Forced population transfers are not, of course, supported by major theorists of self-determination and secession. However, the problems that make population transfers extremely common in actual cases of self-determination and secession, are not squarely faced in many theories of self-determination. And, I shall argue, certain leading theories of (...)
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  8. Linda J. Nicholson (2001). A Response to My "Critics". Hypatia 16 (2):86-90.
    : Abstract: This essay is a response to comments made by Shane Phelan, Cheshire Calhoun, and Naomi Scheman on my book The Play of Reason: From the Modern to the Postmodern (1999). I reiterate my belief that we best approach the issue of consensus and dissension in second-order justifications of social and political claims not philosophically but sociologically, politically, historically. I suggest similar approaches for dealing with the question of meaning. This move signals an endorsement not of indifference but rather (...)
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  9. Eleonora Piromalli (2015). Authority and the Struggle for Recognition. International Journal of Philosophical Studies 23 (2):205-222.
    In this essay I examine authority from the viewpoint of the paradigm of recognition: this theoretical framework, as I wish to demonstrate, is particularly suitable for both a clear definition and a consistent practical-normative analysis of authority. In section I propose a definition of authority which, resting on the normative meaning intrinsic to the concept of recognition, allows to systematically differentiate between legitimate and illegitimate forms of authority. After delineating the characteristics of a legitimate political authority, I focus on authority (...)
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  10. Nicholas Rescher (1993). Pluralism: Against the Demand for Consensus. Oxford University Press.
    Nicholas Rescher presents a critical reaction against two currently influential tendencies of thought. On the one hand, he rejects the facile relativism that pervades contemporary social and academic life. On the other hand, he opposes the rationalism inherent in neo-contractarian theory--both in the idealized communicative-contract version promoted in continental European political philosophy by J;urgen Habermas, and in the idealized social contract version of the theory of political justice promoted in the Anglo-American context by John Rawls. Against such tendencies, Rescher's pluralist (...)
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  11. Enzo Rossi (2013). Consensus, Compromise, Justice and Legitimacy. Critical Review of Social and International Political Philosophy 16 (4):557-572.
    Could the notion of compromise help us overcoming – or at least negotiating – the frequent tension, in normative political theory, between the realistic desideratum of peaceful coexistence and the idealistic desideratum of justice? That is to say, an analysis of compromise may help us moving beyond the contrast between two widespread contrasting attitudes in contemporary political philosophy: ‘fiat iustitia, pereat mundus’ on the one side, ‘salus populi suprema lex’ on the other side. More specifically, compromise may provide the backbone (...)
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  12. Enzo Rossi (2010). Modus Vivendi, Consensus, and (Realist) Liberal Legitimacy. Public Reason 2 (2):21-39.
    A polity is grounded in a modus vivendi (MV) when its main features can be presented as the outcome of a virtually unrestricted bargaining process. Is MV compatible with the consensus-based account of liberal legitimacy, i.e. the view that political authority is well grounded only if the citizenry have in some sense freely consented to its exercise? I show that the attraction of MV for consensus theorists lies mainly in the thought that a MV can be presented as legitimated through (...)
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  13. Gary Shiffman (2002). Construing Disagreement: Consensus and Invective in "Constitutional" Debate. Political Theory 30 (2):175-203.
    The danger of disturbing the public tranquillity by interesting too strongly the public passions is a still more serious objection against a frequent reference of constitutional questions to the decision of the whole society. —James Madison, Federalist 49At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed.—Frederick Douglass, “What to the Slave is the 4th of July?”.
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  14. Desh Raj Sirswal (2015). The Philosopher King : An Indian Point of View. Sucharitha: A Journal of Philosophy and Religion 3 (01):12-19.
    The celebrated Greek philosopher Plato had dreamed of a philosopher-king to rule his ideal state. Keeping in socratarian tradition Aristotle said in similar way "it is better for a city to be governed by a good man than even by good laws ". According to Plato, “The philosopher is he who has in his mind the perfect pattern of justice, beauty, truth; his is the knowledge of the eternal; he contemplates all time and all existence; no praises are too high (...)
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  15. Jacob Stegenga (2016). Three Criteria for Consensus Conferences. Foundations of Science 21 (1):35-49.
    Consensus conferences are social techniques which involve bringing together a group of scientific experts, and sometimes also non-experts, in order to increase the public role in science and related policy, to amalgamate diverse and often contradictory evidence for a hypothesis of interest, and to achieve scientific consensus or at least the appearance of consensus among scientists. For consensus conferences that set out to amalgamate evidence, I propose three desiderata: Inclusivity, Constraint, and Evidential Complexity. Two examples suggest that consensus conferences can (...)
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  16. Italo Testa (2012). The Respect Fallacy: Limits of Respect in Public Dialogue. In Christian Kock & Lisa Villadsen (ed.), Rhetorical Citizenship and Public Deliberation (pp. 77-92). Penn State University Press
    Deliberative politics should start from an adequate and differentiated image of our dialogical practices and their normative structures; the ideals that we eventually propose for deliberative politics should be tested against this background. In this article I will argue that equal respect, understood as respect a priori conferred on persons, is not and should not be counted as a constitutive normative ground of public discourse. Furthermore, requiring such respect, even if it might facilitate dialogue, could have negative effects and lead (...)
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  17. Justin Tiwald (2008). A Right of Rebellion in the Mengzi? Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 7 (3):269-282.
    Mengzi believed that tyrannical rulers can be justifiably deposed, and many contemporary scholars see this as grounding a right of popular rebellion. I argue that the text of the Mengzi reveals a more mixed view, and does so in two respects. First, it suggests that the people are sometimes permitted to participate in a rebellion but not permitted to decide for themselves when rebellion is warranted. Second, it gives appropriate moral weight not to the people’s judgments about the justifiability of (...)
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